Sergey Baburin. Biography

Sergey Baburin was born on January 31, 1959 in the city of Semipalatinsk, Republic of Kazakhstan. He grew up in the family of Nikolai Naumovich and Valentina Nikolaevna Baburins. Sergei's father was a teacher, and his mother worked as a doctor. Since childhood, he was distinguished by the versatility of interests and the desire to learn and learn. In addition to a regular school, he studied at an art school, from his school years he began working as a concrete carpenter at a local enterprise.

Studied at Omsk State University. Baburin was called up for military service. After graduating from the service, he was part of a limited contingent of Soviet troops in Afghanistan, where he took part in the hostilities of the Soviet Army. At the end of the service, Sergei received the medal "To the Warrior of the Internationalist from the Grateful Afghan People" and the insignia "For Merit in the Border Service." Upon completion of the service, he went to the city of St. Petersburg to study in graduate school.

In 1986 he completed his postgraduate studies and the following year he defended his Ph.D. thesis "The Political and Legal Doctrine of Georg Forster". After graduating from graduate school, he temporarily remained working at Omsk University as deputy dean of the Faculty of Law, and in 1988 he headed the faculty.

He ran for the people's deputies of the USSR in 1989, but his candidacy was not registered by the decision of the district election commission. The following year, he was elected a People's Deputy of the RSFSR from the Soviet Territorial District No. 539, the city of Omsk. At the I Congress of People's Deputies of Russia, he was elected a member of the Council of the Republic of the Supreme Council.

In 1991, he was nominated for the post of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. In 1991 he became a member of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR Baburin. On the initiative of the People's Deputies of Russia, the Russian All-People's Union was created.

At the VI Congress of People's Deputies of Russia in April 1992, together with V.B. Isakov, M.G. Astafiev, N.A. Pavlov and others headed the opposition bloc of the People's Unity faction. In December 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation in the Central constituency No. 130 of the Omsk region. Created a deputy group "Russian Way".

From July 18, 1995, he was a member of the Power to the People! election bloc. Elected Deputy of the State Duma of the second convocation. Member of the Congress of Patriotic Forces "Russian Frontier". In February of the following year, he became deputy chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Then he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union of Belarus and Russia.

In 1997, he became co-chairman of the non-factional association of deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation "Anti-NATO", the chairman of the commission "Anti-NATO" of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The following year he successfully defended his dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Law.

In 1999, he ran for the State Duma of the third convocation from the Russian People's Union. Since January 2000, he has been teaching at the Faculty of Law of Omsk State University.

Since 2001, he has been the chairman of the National Revival Party "Narodnaya Volya". In August 2002 he became the rector of the Russian State University of Trade and Economics. He held the post until December 25, 2012.

Since March 2004, he has been Deputy Chairman of the State Duma. Three years later, from December 2007, after the election of a new composition of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, to which his party was not allowed to participate in the elections by the Electoral Committee of the Russian Federation, he returned to the post of rector of the Russian State University of Trade and Economics. Heads the International Association of Trade and Economic Education, IATEO.

He was elected President of the Association of Law Schools on April 15, 2011. In December of the same year, a congress of the socio-political movement "Russian People's Union" was held, at which a decision was made to transform it into a political party. Baburin was elected chairman of the party at the congress.

In December 2017, the congress of the Russian People's Union party, held in Moscow, unanimously nominated Sergei Nikolayevich Baburin as a candidate for the President of the Russian Federation in the 2018 elections. Registered as a candidate by the Central Election Committee on February 7, 2018.

President of the International Slavic Academy of Sciences, Education, Arts and Culture. He was awarded the title of Honored Worker of Science of the Russian Federation.

Name: Baburin Sergey Nikolaevich. Date of birth: January 31, 1959. Place of birth: Semipalatinsk, Kazakh SSR, USSR.

Childhood and education

The Russian politician was born on January 31, 1959 in the east of the Kazakh SSR in the city of Semipalatinsk (renamed Semey in 2007) into an intelligent family. Father - Nikolai Naumovich - taught at school. Mother - Valentina Nikolaevna - was engaged in medicine. Baburin's father had Tatar and Russian roots. It is known about the mother's ancestors that they were natives of the Brest region.

Sergei Nikolaevich has a younger brother, Igor, who followed in his mother's footsteps and is a doctor by profession.

In 1960, the Baburin family moved to their father's homeland - to the city of Tara, Omsk region, where Sergey spent all his childhood. The current presidential candidate studied and graduated from school number 11 in Tara. In addition to the general education institution, the boy attended art school. The media also mentions that from his school years, Baburin was engaged in labor activities - he worked as a carpenter at one of the local enterprises.

Having received a certificate of secondary education, Baburin did not dare to storm the capital's universities and entered the Omsk State University at the Faculty of Law, from which he graduated with honors in 1981. In the same year he joined the ranks of the Communist Party.

After graduating from the university, Sergei went to serve in the army (1981-1983). Last year he served in parts of a limited contingent of Soviet troops in Afghanistan. At the end of the service, the young man received the medal "To the Warrior-Internationalist from the grateful Afghan people."

After serving, in 1983 Baburin went to Leningrad to enroll in graduate school. His choice fell on the Leningrad State University (now St. Petersburg State University). In 1986, he completed his postgraduate studies and in 1987 successfully defended his dissertation on the history of political and legal doctrines, as a result of which he received his first degree.

Labor and political activity

After graduating from graduate school, he temporarily worked at his alma mater as deputy dean of the Faculty of Law, and then a year later, following the results of the election, he completely headed the faculty.

Baburin's career acquired a political orientation in 1989 from the moment of his nomination to the People's Deputies of the USSR. However, according to the results of the meeting of the district election commission, his candidacy was eliminated.

In 1990 he was elected a People's Deputy of the RSFSR. At the First Congress he was elected a member of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

In the fall of 1990, he organized the Rossiya deputy group (originally called the Rossiya Democratic Center) and became one of its coordinators.

Baburin's political career developed rapidly, and in 1991 Sergei Nikolayevich was nominated for the post of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

In September 1991, on the basis of the Rossiya group, Baburin created the Organizing Committee of the Russian All-People's Union (RUS) - an association that set as its goal the preservation of the state unity of the USSR. At the ROS congress in December 1991, he was elected Chairman of the Board of the Union.

After the collapse of the USSR, Sergei Nikolayevich was elected co-chairman of the National Salvation Front.

On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma from the Central District of the Omsk Region. Member of the State Duma Committee on Public Associations and Religious Organizations.

In July 1995, he created the pre-election bloc "Power to the People", in which he attracted the former Prime Minister of the USSR Nikolai Ryzhkov. But the list did not overcome the 5% threshold, but Baburin himself and several of his associates entered the State Duma in majoritarian districts.

In the Duma, he became the founder of the parliamentary group "People's Power", becoming one of the deputy chairmen of the group.

Baburin managed to combine political activity with scientific activity. At the same time, from May 2000 to August 2002, he served as Deputy Director of the Institute for Social and Political Research of the Russian Academy of Sciences. And since 2002, he served as rector of the Russian State University of Trade and Economics.

In 2010, he was awarded the title of Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation.

At the end of 2012, during the recognition of the RGTEU as ineffective and its accession to the PRUE. G. V. Plekhanov, the Ministry of Education and Science issued an order to dismiss Baburin from the post of rector and appointed Andrey Shklyaev to act as rector.

In September 2014, Baburin took part in the elections to the Moscow City Duma from the Communist Party in the 5th constituency, which includes the northern districts of Moscow. However, according to the results of the elections, he took second place, gaining less than 25% of the vote. He was not elected as a deputy.

In May 2017, he was elected chairman of the International Slavic Council, which unites the national Slavic committees of 9 states.

On December 22, 2017, the congress of the Russian People's Union party, held in Moscow, unanimously nominated Sergei Nikolayevich Baburin as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. On February 7, 2018, the CEC registered a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation, Sergey Nikolayevich Baburin.

According to income information, over the past six years, Baburin has earned 11.4 million rubles. He owns a third of an apartment in Moscow with an area of ​​182.6 sq.m, as well as a car garage with an area of ​​14.2 sq.m. m, located in Moscow.

Personal life

Baburin married in his student years. From his wife Tatiana Nikolaevna Baburina has 4 sons.

Baburina owns a land plot of 1619 sq. m and a residential building with an area of ​​414.9 sq. m in the Moscow region, as well as two apartments in Moscow with an area of ​​182.6 sq. m (share in the right to use a third of the area) and 32.5 sq. m.

People's Deputy of the Russian Federation 1990-1993, member of the Council of the Republic of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation. Deputy of the State Duma of I, II and IV convocations; Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the II and IV convocations, member of the State Duma Committee on Civil, Criminal, Arbitration and Procedural Legislation.

Rector of the Russian State University of Trade and Economics - from 2002 to 2012.

The leader of the socio-political movement, and then the political party, the Russian All-People's Union (in 2001-2008, the National Revival Party "Narodnaya Volya", then "People's Union").

President of the International Slavic Academy of Sciences, Education, Arts and Culture (ISA) since 2015. Chairman of the International Slavic Council (since May 2017).

During the period of perestroika, Baburin took quite liberal positions, which was reflected in his numerous journalistic letters. For example, in 1988, he composed a rebuke to Nina Andreeva's anti-perestroika manifesto "I can't compromise my principles", and defended the playwright Mikhail Shatrov, who was accused of discrediting the leaders of the revolution. In addition, he was a member of the Memorial Society, which collected and published information about political repressions in the USSR.

In 1989, Baburin moved from epistolary politics to action and ran for people's deputies, but unsuccessfully. Instead, another Omsk lawyer, Alexei Kazannik, was elected, who became famous for the fact that at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR in May 1989 he gave up his seat in the Supreme Soviet to Boris Yeltsin, who did not get there.

In 1990, despite the efforts of the party leadership of the Omsk region and thanks to the support of the same Kazannik, Baburin entered the Supreme Council on the list of "Democratic Russia" and became a member of the Constitutional Commission. From that moment on, Baburin enters Russian public politics and does not leave it anymore.

Baburin created the "Russia" faction in the Supreme Soviet. Soon he announced that he had lost faith both in the communist conservatives (he called them reactionaries) and in "Democratic Russia" ("democrats" Baburin branded "adventurers"). Baburin positioned "Russia" as a non-communist opposition to the republican leadership, which wanted to preserve the USSR and carry out a deep economic reform in it.

Best of the day

As a member of the commission of the Supreme Council for the settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, Baburin was engaged in the release of hostages, and repeatedly visited the war zone. He also participated in the development of laws on the rehabilitation of repressed peoples. Baburin's first serious political victory was the adoption, at his suggestion, of the decision of the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR on the non-participation of the Russian armed forces in hostilities against Iraq in the Persian Gulf zone in the fall of 1990. In general, Baburin's public speeches of those years, despite his statements about his opposition, can be described as "moderate and accurate."

In July 1991, the next qualitative breakthrough in Baburin's career took place - the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR nominated him for the post of Chairman of the Supreme Council, which was vacated after the presidential election. Ruslan Khasbulatov turned out to be Baburin's main competitor in the struggle for this post. In the first round, Baburin was significantly ahead of Khasbulatov, gaining more than 400 votes (only 46 were not enough for him to win). However, between the first and second rounds of the election of the head of the Supreme Council, the August events of 1991 took place, and when the congress met again in October, the Communists of Russia and the Agrarian Union factions, which had previously voted for Baburin, supported Khasbulatov.

The August coup, meanwhile, became for Baburin a stage that marked a turn towards a conservative ideology. He suspended his membership in the CPSU, considering the position of its leadership in those days "treacherous", and began to justify the GKChP. At the same time, Baburin announced his intention to create "on the ruins of the CPSU" a new political force, the program of which would include "three principles: justice, democracy, patriotism." Which he did in December of the same 1991, becoming the leader of the Russian National Union (RUS).

Baburin was the only deputy who spoke from the rostrum of the Supreme Council against the ratification of the Belovezhskaya Accords, and one of six deputies who voted for the preservation of a single union state. When the collapse of the USSR became not only a fait accompli, but also a legally fixed fact, Baburin went into irreconcilable opposition and demanded the resignation of the government, the removal of Yeltsin from power and early parliamentary elections.

In 1993, after the issuance of presidential decree number 1400 on the dissolution of the Supreme Council, Baburin accused Yeltsin of a coup d'etat and, forgetting all previous strife and resentment, teamed up with Ruslan Khasbulatov and Alexander Rutskoi. He became one of the leaders of the anti-Yeltsin uprising.

Baburin was in the White House when tanks fired at him. When the shelling ended and the riot police began to clean up the ruined residence of the Supreme Council, Baburin was put against the wall and they wanted to shoot him, but then they limited themselves to beating him and throwing him in jail for several days.

Baburin was elected to the first Duma from a single-mandate constituency. He created and led an informal group of patriotic deputies called "The Russian Way". During this period, he did not show much political activity.

For the Duma elections in 1995, he created the "Power to the People" bloc, in which he attracted the former Prime Minister of the USSR Nikolai Ryzhkov. The bloc did not overcome the five percent barrier, but Baburin himself and several of his associates, including Ryzhkov, entered the Duma as single-mandate members. They created the parliamentary group "People's Power", which was headed by Ryzhkov, and Baburin became his deputy. In the second Duma, Baburin received the post of vice-speaker. In addition, Baburin's second term as a deputy was remembered for the creation of the anti-NATO non-factional parliamentary association.

Before the third Duma elections in 1999, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was called a natural ally of the Baburinsky ROS. But Baburin accused the communists of complicity in the collapse of "both the USSR and historical Russia" and refused to form a coalition with them. ROS failed in the elections, and Baburin was left without a deputy mandate.

Over the next four years, moving from one managerial chair to another (all chairs were located in various scientific institutions, from the Institute of Socio-Political Research of the Russian Academy of Sciences to the Institute of Human Rights of the Moscow State University of Civil Engineering), Baburin did not abandon the idea of ​​​​creating a national-patriotic party. In December, he created the National Revival Party "Narodnaya Volya" on the basis of the ROS.

In 2003, at the invitation of Baburin, one of the most odious European politicians, the leader of the French nationalists, Jean-Marie Le Pen, flew to Moscow, who had created a sensation in his homeland shortly before entering the second round of the presidential elections (although in the end he still lost Jacques Chirac). Apparently, Baburin discovered in himself the makings of a "Russian Le Pen".

But his own forces were clearly not enough to realize these inclinations, and he found allies for himself. In September 2003, Narodnaya Volya entered the Rodina electoral bloc, and Baburin became one of the bloc's co-chairs (along with Dmitry Rogozin, Sergei Glazyev and Yuri Skokov).

In the Fourth Duma, Baburin became deputy head of the Motherland faction and again received the post of vice speaker.

The initial success inspired the leaders of the Motherland bloc, and they were about to unite their organizations into a single party. But, as is often the case, political ambitions got in the way of effective cooperation. Dmitry Rogozin became the main troublemaker: first, he gave his party the name of the entire bloc, which gave rise to accusations of usurping a popular brand, and then mockingly suggested to Baburin that he dissolve his party and join the Rodina party led by him, Rogozin.

Baburin sued Rogozin, accusing him of collaborating with the Communists, the Ukrainian "orange" and Boris Berezovsky. So without achieving anything, in June 2005 he took part of the "Rodintsy" to a new Duma faction, which he himself headed.

In November 2006, many former Rodinites reunited for a short time. Dmitry Rogozin, Andrei Savelyev, Sergei Baburin, Viktor Alksnis, and Alexander Belov from the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, with the participation of some other nationalist public figures, organized the "Russian March". The main part of the action was a rally on Maiden's Field in Moscow, and since the organizer of the rally was Narodnaya Volya, Baburin opened the rally as a host.

Yes, once he spoke from the balcony of the besieged White House. But fifteen years have passed since then, and as a public speaker, Baburin, of course, lost to the young, assertive, lean leader of the DPNI, Alexander Belov. More boring than Baburin were perhaps his closest associate Viktor Alksnis and Viktor Militarev, who was baptized through the word, from the Russian Social Movement. Both that day and later, much was said about the fact that only Narodnaya Volya could represent Russian nationalism in the parliamentary field, but the Russian March gave an unequivocal answer to the question: "Can Baburin become a true charismatic leader, the leader of nationalists?" . No, he can not.

It would seem that if it does not work out on the street, then in the parliamentary battles there will be few people with the same experience as Baburin. But here, too, he failed. In December 2006, he agreed with Gennady Semigin, who was expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, that he and his associates would enter the Baburin Motherland faction. Baburin realized the recklessness of this step when it was too late: Semigin unexpectedly removed him from the post of head of the faction. Then the leader of the "Narodnaya Volya" with his supporters left the faction. He was not allowed to create a new one, and he will have to finish his work in the Fourth Duma in the status of an independent deputy.

As for the Fifth Duma, Baburin intends to get into it on his own. He hopes that his party will take second or fourth place in the December elections, does not at all consider this task impossible, and intends to lead his comrades-in-arms to the elections under the slogan "For Russian Russia." The party, by the way, was renamed from "Narodnaya Volya" to "People's Union" so that unnecessary associations with revolutionary terrorists of the 19th century would not arise.

But neither the renaming nor the possible involvement of any of the popular nationalist politicians (for example, Nikolai Kuryanovich) in the top three of the People's Union list (for example, Nikolai Kuryanovich) will most likely help Baburin and his party. His ideological evolution somehow dragged on too long. While he was preparing to come out with the slogan "Glory to Russia!", others did it. And one of them, quite possibly, already in December will take the chair in the Duma, in which Sergei Baburin still sits.

The pre-election congress of the "People's Union" was held on September 20. He approved the electoral list of the party. It was headed by Sergey Baburin, the second place was taken by Viktor Alksnis, and the third - by the general director of the Orthodox TV channel "Spas" Alexander Batanov. However, the list was not registered by the Central Election Commission because too many signatures collected in support of it were rejected. So Baburin, it seems, finally lagged behind political life.

After 2012

He participated in the elections to the Moscow City Duma on September 14, 2014 from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the 5th constituency (includes: Filevsky Park, Khoroshevo-Mnevniki, part of the Shchukino district) and took second place, gaining 24.36% of the vote. Not elected MP.

In 2015, he was elected President of the International Slavic Academy of Sciences, Education, Arts and Culture (ISA).

On December 12, 2015, at the UIA Meeting in St. Petersburg, the first issue of the renewed Slavyane magazine was presented (S. N. Baburin - Editor-in-Chief).

In the parliamentary elections on September 18, 2016, he was nominated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in a single-mandate constituency in the Tushinsky district of Moscow. According to the results, he took 4th place. Not elected MP.

On May 25, 2017, he was elected chairman of the International Slavic Council, which unites the national Slavic committees of 9 states.

On December 22, 2017, the congress of the Russian People's Union party, held in Moscow, unanimously nominated Sergei Nikolayevich Baburin as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation.

Family

Married, has four sons.

Awards

Knight of the Order of Friendship (Russia)

Order of Honor and Glory, III degree (Abkhazia, 2003)

Medal "In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow"

Cavalier of the Imperial Order of St. Anne II degree

Cavalier of the Imperial Order of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, 1st class

Cavalier of the Imperial Order of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker II degree

Cavalier of the Imperial Order of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker III degree

Medal "For the liberation of Crimea and Sevastopol" (March 17, 2014) - for personal contribution to the return of Crimea to Russia

Sergei Nikolaevich Baburin was born in the city of Semipalatinsk, Kazakh SSR, on January 31, 1959, in an ordinary Soviet family of average income. The father of the future politician, Nikolai Naumovich, was a school teacher by profession, and his mother, Valentina Nikolaevna, worked as a surgeon. Two sons were brought up in the family - Sergei Baburin's brother Igor received a medical education after school, now he is in charge of one of the departments of the St. Petersburg Psychoneurological Research Institute. V. Bekhterev.

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Sergey Baburin in his youth

CHILDHOOD AND EDUCATION

After school, Sergei Baburin entered the Omsk State University and in 1981 received a law degree. Then he joined the CPSU, and after a while he was called up for military service, during which he took part in the fighting in Afghanistan and earned a medal.

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Sergei Baburin in Afghanistan

WORK ACTIVITIES

Sergei Baburin spent 10 years writing his doctoral dissertation, defending it in 1998. The scientist explored the topic of territorial, geopolitical and legal problems of the country.

POLITICAL ACTIVITY

In 1988, Sergei Nikolayevich took to heart an article published by the Soviet Russia publication entitled “I don’t want to give up my principles”: he categorically disagreed with the ideas set forth in it, therefore he wrote and sent a refutation to the editor, which demonstrated the liberal views on the political situation in the country.

A year later, Sergei Baburin ran for people's deputies, but was elected from the Omsk district only after another year. The politician became the head of the parliamentary opposition to Boris Yeltsin and turned out to be the only deputy who was not afraid to speak on December 12, 1991 at the parliamentary session against the destruction of the USSR. In the fall of 1993, Sergei Nikolaevich openly condemned the actions of Boris Yeltsin, but did not leave the House of Soviets until the last day, so he was miraculously not shot.

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Sergei Baburin in the State Duma

After that, Sergei Baburin decided to leave politics for some time, for which he returned to the Omsk capital and got a job at a university, but two months later he again took up political affairs. In 1993, Sergei Nikolayevich was elected to the State Duma of the 1st convocation, where he formed the Russian Way parliamentary opposition group.

In 1995, Sergei Baburin was elected deputy chairman of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union of Belarus and Russia.

The politician actively participated in the settlement of international conflicts, dealt with the recognition of the independence of Pridnestrovie, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, for which he has many recognitions and awards.

Since the beginning of the new millennium, Sergei Nikolayevich began to combine his activities in politics and science, at the same time leading the People's Will party and the Russian State University of Trade and Economics.

In 2015 Sergey Baburin became the President of the International Slavic Academy of Education, Science, Art and Culture. He is also the editor-in-chief of the Slavyane periodical and heads the Russian Public Union political bloc. The politician has the title of Colonel of Justice and Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation.

On September 18, 2016, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation nominated Sergei Nikolayevich in the parliamentary elections in a single-mandate constituency in the Tushinsky district of Moscow - then the politician took 4th place, but was never elected a deputy.

In May 2017, Sergey Nikolayevich became the chairman of the International Slavic Council of committees of 9 countries.

On December 22, 2017, the congress of the political bloc "Russian People's Union" held in the capital unanimously nominated Sergei Baburin as a candidate for the post of state head of the Russian Federation in the 2018 elections. On December 24, the politician submitted the necessary documentation to the CEC. At that moment he made the following statement: “For a quarter of a century now I have been saving my fatherland, therefore I can safely say that my profession is called a rescuer. I have been a participant in almost every conflict that has taken place since 1991.”

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Russian presidential candidate Sergei Baburin

AWARDS

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Sergei Baburin with his family

PERSONAL LIFE

Oddly enough, he got away with it and did not affect his career in any way: in the late 80s he was the dean of the law faculty of Omsk University, a member of the university party committee, and if it were not for the difficult situation of the USSR at that time, he might well have watched into the future with confidence and optimism.

During the period of perestroika, Baburin took quite liberal positions, which was reflected in his numerous journalistic letters. For example, in 1988, he composed a rebuke to Nina Andreeva's anti-perestroika manifesto "I can't compromise my principles", and defended the playwright Mikhail Shatrov, who was accused of discrediting the leaders of the revolution. In addition, he was a member of the Memorial Society, which collected and published information about political repressions in the USSR.

In 1989, Baburin moved from epistolary politics to action and ran for people's deputies, but unsuccessfully. Instead, another Omsk lawyer, Alexei Kazannik, was elected, who became famous for the fact that at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR in May 1989 he gave up his seat in the Supreme Soviet to Boris Yeltsin, who did not get there.

In 1990, despite the efforts of the party leadership of the Omsk region and thanks to the support of the same Kazannik, Baburin entered the Supreme Council on the list of "Democratic Russia" and became a member of the Constitutional Commission. From that moment on, Baburin enters Russian public politics and does not leave it anymore.

Baburin created the "Russia" faction in the Supreme Soviet. Soon he announced that he had lost faith both in the communist conservatives (he called them reactionaries) and in "Democratic Russia" ("democrats" Baburin branded "adventurers"). Baburin positioned "Russia" as a non-communist opposition to the republican leadership, which wanted to preserve the USSR and carry out a deep economic reform in it.

As a member of the commission of the Supreme Council for the settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, Baburin was engaged in the release of hostages, and repeatedly visited the war zone. He also participated in the development of laws on the rehabilitation of repressed peoples. Baburin's first serious political victory was the adoption, at his suggestion, of the decision of the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR on the non-participation of the Russian armed forces in hostilities against Iraq in the Persian Gulf zone in the fall of 1990. In general, Baburin's public speeches of those years, despite his statements about his opposition, can be described as "moderate and accurate."

In July 1991, the next qualitative breakthrough in Baburin's career took place - the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR nominated him for the post of Chairman of the Supreme Council, which was vacated after the presidential election. Ruslan Khasbulatov turned out to be Baburin's main competitor in the struggle for this post. In the first round, Baburin was significantly ahead of Khasbulatov, gaining more than 400 votes (only 46 were not enough for him to win). However, between the first and second rounds of the election of the head of the Supreme Council, the August events of 1991 took place, and when the congress met again in October, the Communists of Russia and the Agrarian Union factions, which had previously voted for Baburin, supported Khasbulatov.

The August coup, meanwhile, became for Baburin a stage that marked a turn towards a conservative ideology. He suspended his membership in the CPSU, considering the position of its leadership in those days "treacherous", and began to justify the GKChP. At the same time, Baburin announced his intention to create "on the ruins of the CPSU" a new political force, the program of which would include "three principles: justice, democracy, patriotism." Which he did in December of the same 1991, becoming the leader of the Russian National Union (RUS).

Baburin was the only deputy who spoke from the rostrum of the Supreme Council against the ratification of the Belovezhskaya Accords, and one of six deputies who voted for the preservation of a single union state. When the collapse of the USSR became not only a fait accompli, but also a legally fixed fact, Baburin went into irreconcilable opposition and demanded the resignation of the government, the removal of Yeltsin from power and early parliamentary elections.

In 1993, after the issuance of presidential decree number 1400 on the dissolution of the Supreme Council, Baburin accused Yeltsin of a coup d'etat and, forgetting all previous strife and resentment, teamed up with Ruslan Khasbulatov and Alexander Rutskoi. He became one of the leaders of the anti-Yeltsin uprising.

Baburin was in the White House when tanks fired at him. When the shelling ended and the riot police began to clean up the ruined residence of the Supreme Council, Baburin was put against the wall and they wanted to shoot him, but then they limited themselves to beating him and throwing him in jail for several days.

Baburin was elected to the first Duma from a single-mandate constituency. He created and led an informal group of patriotic deputies called "The Russian Way". During this period, he did not show much political activity.

For the Duma elections in 1995, he created the "Power to the People" bloc, in which he attracted the former Prime Minister of the USSR Nikolai Ryzhkov. The bloc did not overcome the five percent barrier, but Baburin himself and several of his associates, including Ryzhkov, entered the Duma as single-mandate members. They created the parliamentary group "People's Power", which was headed by Ryzhkov, and Baburin became his deputy. In the second Duma, Baburin received the post of vice-speaker. In addition, Baburin's second term as a deputy was remembered for the creation of the anti-NATO non-factional parliamentary association.

Before the third Duma elections in 1999, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was called a natural ally of the Baburinsky ROS. But Baburin accused the communists of complicity in the collapse of "both the USSR and historical Russia" and refused to form a coalition with them. ROS failed in the elections, and Baburin was left without a deputy mandate.

Over the next four years, moving from one managerial chair to another (all chairs were located in various scientific institutions, from the Institute of Socio-Political Research of the Russian Academy of Sciences to the Institute of Human Rights of the Moscow State University of Civil Engineering), Baburin did not abandon the idea of ​​​​creating a national-patriotic party. In December, he created the National Revival Party "Narodnaya Volya" on the basis of the ROS.

In 2003, at the invitation of Baburin, one of the most odious European politicians, the leader of the French nationalists, Jean-Marie Le Pen, flew to Moscow, who had created a sensation in his homeland shortly before entering the second round of the presidential elections (although in the end he still lost Jacques Chirac). Apparently, Baburin discovered in himself the makings of a "Russian Le Pen".

But his own forces were clearly not enough to realize these inclinations, and he found allies for himself. In September 2003, Narodnaya Volya entered the Rodina electoral bloc, and Baburin became one of the bloc's co-chairs (along with Dmitry Rogozin, Sergei Glazyev and Yuri Skokov).

In the Fourth Duma, Baburin became deputy head of the Motherland faction and again received the post of vice speaker.

The initial success inspired the leaders of the Motherland bloc, and they were about to unite their organizations into a single party. But, as is often the case, political ambitions got in the way of effective cooperation. Dmitry Rogozin became the main troublemaker: first, he gave his party the name of the entire bloc, which gave rise to accusations of usurping a popular brand, and then mockingly suggested to Baburin that he dissolve his party and join the Rodina party led by him, Rogozin.

Baburin sued Rogozin, accusing him of collaborating with the Communists, the Ukrainian "orange" and Boris Berezovsky. So without achieving anything, in June 2005 he took part of the "Rodintsy" to a new Duma faction, which he himself headed.

In November 2006, many former Rodinites reunited for a short time. Dmitry Rogozin, Andrei Savelyev, Sergei Baburin, Viktor Alksnis, and Alexander Belov from the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, with the participation of some other nationalist public figures, organized the "Russian March". The main part of the action was a rally on Maiden's Field in Moscow, and since the organizer of the rally was Narodnaya Volya, Baburin opened the rally as a host.

Yes, once he spoke from the balcony of the besieged White House. But fifteen years have passed since then, and as a public speaker, Baburin, of course, lost to the young, assertive, lean leader of the DPNI, Alexander Belov. More boring than Baburin were perhaps his closest associate Viktor Alksnis and Viktor Militarev, who was baptized through the word, from the Russian Social Movement. Both that day and later, much was said about the fact that only Narodnaya Volya could represent Russian nationalism in the parliamentary field, but the Russian March gave an unequivocal answer to the question: "Can Baburin become a true charismatic leader, the leader of nationalists?" . No, he can not.

It would seem that if it does not work out on the street, then in the parliamentary battles there will be few people with the same experience as Baburin. But here, too, he failed. In December 2006, he agreed with Gennady Semigin, who was expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, that he and his associates would enter the Baburin Motherland faction. Baburin realized the recklessness of this step when it was too late: Semigin unexpectedly removed him from the post of head of the faction. Then the leader of the "Narodnaya Volya" with his supporters left the faction. He was not allowed to create a new one, and he will have to finish his work in the Fourth Duma in the status of an independent deputy.

As for the Fifth Duma, Baburin intends to get into it on his own. He hopes that his party will take second or fourth place in the December elections, does not at all consider this task impossible, and intends to lead his comrades-in-arms to the elections under the slogan "For Russian Russia." The party, by the way, was renamed from "Narodnaya Volya" to "People's Union" in order to avoid unnecessary associations with revolutionary terrorists of the 19th century.

But neither the renaming nor the possible involvement of any of the popular nationalist politicians (for example, Nikolai Kuryanovich) in the top three of the People's Union list (for example, Nikolai Kuryanovich) will most likely help Baburin and his party. His ideological evolution somehow dragged on too long. While he was preparing to come out with the slogan "Glory to Russia!", others did it. And one of them, quite possibly, already in December will take the chair in the Duma, in which Sergei Baburin still sits.

The pre-election congress of the "People's Union" was held on September 20. He approved the electoral list of the party. It was headed by Sergey Baburin, the second place was taken by Viktor Alksnis, and the third - by the general director of the Orthodox TV channel "Spas" Alexander Batanov. However, the list was not registered by the Central Election Commission because too many signatures collected in support of it were rejected. So Baburin, it seems, finally lagged behind political life.