The February bourgeois-democratic revolution of the revolution is a revolution in Russia. The Significance of the February Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution for National History

Section 4. The Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.

Russia in the conditions of World War I and the national crisis.

February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917

Russia's entry into the war and the brewing of an internal political crisis. On August 1, 1914, Russia was drawn into the First World War. It was attended by the countries of the Quadruple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, Bulgaria) and the powers of the Entente (England, France, Russia, Japan, Italy, Romania, the USA, etc.), a total of 38 states with a population of 1.5 billion people . .

Russia found itself in the most vulnerable position among the Entente countries: during the 2.5 years of the war, its total losses amounted to 6.5 million people. The war aggravated the situation in the country to the extreme. The militarization of industry during the war years reached 80% and resulted in a drop in the living standards of the population by 2 or more times. Inflation, as a result of the uncontrolled issuance of paper money, increased 4 times. Rail transport could not cope with the volume of traffic. Russia's public debt rose to 30 billion rubles against 9.9 billion before the war.

By the end of 1916 - beginning of 1917. in Russia, a single opposition-revolutionary front was formed, including representatives of the whole society, from the grand dukes to the Bolsheviks and anarchists, opposing Nicholas II. The interruptions in the food supply of both capitals that began against this background turned out to be quite a sufficient reason for the outbreak of large-scale street riots. .

February Revolution and the establishment of dual power. On February 23, 1917, in Petrograd, at the call of the Bolsheviks, an anti-war demonstration dedicated to the International Day of Women Workers took place, which turned into a large city strike, in which 128 thousand people took part. The next day, under the slogans "Bread!", "Peace!" 214 thousand people were on strike, and on March 25 - 305 thousand people. On the night of February 26, on the orders of Nicholas II, who was at Headquarters in Mogilev, mass arrests were made in Petrograd, and the next day a large demonstration on Znamenskaya Square was shot. On the night of February 26-27, one after another, military units began to withdraw from obedience, and during the day, the insurgent workers seized the arsenal, the Peter and Paul Fortress, and prisons. The bourgeois-democratic revolution has won.

Then, on February 27, the first centers of revolutionary power appeared. On the initiative of the Mensheviks, a Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was created under the chairmanship of the Menshevik Chkheidze. Skobelev and Kerensky became his deputies. Almost simultaneously, the Duma leaders formed a Provisional Executive Committee for the "restoration of state and public order" headed by Duma Chairman Rodzianko .

On the night of March 1-2, an agreement was concluded between representatives of both authorities on the creation of a Provisional Government, entirely composed of liberals, but implementing a program approved by the Petrograd Soviet. Prince G.E. became the head of the government. Lvov, cabinet members - Milyukov (Minister of Foreign Affairs), Guchkov (Minister of War), Konovalov (Minister of Trade and Industry), Tereshchenko (Minister of Finance), Shingarev (Minister of Agriculture), Manuilov (Minister of Education), Nekrasov (Minister of Railways) , Kerensky (Minister of Justice). This is how the system of dual power came into being. On the same night, in the soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet, "Order No. 1" was drawn up and published the next day, which actually removed the entire army from under the command of the officers and subordinated the Petrograd garrison to the Petrograd Soviet.

Nicholas II, having learned that the commanders of all fronts spoke in favor of his immediate abdication, on March 2, 1917, voluntarily abdicated in favor of his younger brother Mikhail. However, Mikhail Alexandrovich renounced the throne the very next day, declaring the possibility of taking power only by decision of the Constituent Assembly. So swiftly won the February Revolution and the 300-year-old Romanov dynasty fell.

The February revolution eased political tensions within the country for a time. Russia stood at a crossroads. It was necessary to resolve all the accumulated problems, to choose and constitutionally consolidate a new form of government, to form stable and unified state structures. The choice of ways for Russia's development depended on the alignment of the main social forces, the correlation of their interests, the interaction of parties and their leaders. Among these forces, one can conditionally single out the bourgeoisie (about 3 million people), the working class (3.4 million people) and the peasantry (120 million people, of which 6.5 million are soldiers).

After February, the party system of Russia seemed to shift to the left, the socialist parties dominated. The traditionalist-monarchist parties ceased to exist. The political center was also weakened: the Octobrists and Progressives gradually withdrew from the political arena. The only liberal party remained the Cadets, whose number at that moment was 100 thousand people. The Cadets proclaimed a course towards the formation of a "left bloc" and cooperation with the socialist parties. They insisted on a war to a victorious end, were against the immediate introduction of an 8-hour working day, and considered it untimely to carry out major reforms, including agrarian reforms, before the Constituent Assembly. However, the social expectations of the popular masses went much further than what the Cadets proposed.

The Socialist-Revolutionary Party grew especially rapidly. Its number was, according to various estimates, from 400 thousand to 1200 thousand people. The Socialist-Revolutionary program attracted the masses with its radicalism and was close to the peasants. The Social Revolutionaries were the first to put forward the demand for the creation of a federal republic. The left wing was strengthening in the party, which demanded decisive steps "toward the elimination of the war", the immediate alienation of the landowners' lands and opposed the coalition with the liberals. Although the party had its own views on the development of the revolutionary process after February, nevertheless, on many important issues, the Socialist-Revolutionaries tacitly recognized the "ideological hegemony" of the Mensheviks, whose numbers were growing rapidly. In April-May, it approached 100 thousand, and by autumn it exceeded 200 thousand people. The political doctrine of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries in 1917 was based on the thesis that Russia was not ready for socialism. They advocated cooperation and compromise with the liberal bourgeoisie and provided conditional support to the Provisional Government. Seeing no real ways for Russia's immediate withdrawal from the world war, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries announced their rejection of predatory aims in the war and declared themselves "revolutionary defencists."

In March, the organizational restoration of the Bolshevik Party began. By May 1917, its number increased to 100 thousand, and by August - up to 215 thousand people. Influenced by the moderate position of the Petrograd Committee and especially by the prominent Bolsheviks Kamenev and Stalin who returned from exile, the Russian Bolsheviks actually took the position of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries and joined the conditional support of the Provisional Government. Moreover, negotiations began on the organizational merger of the three parties; in the localities there was a mass creation of united Bolshevik-Menshevik party organizations.

Lenin's arrival in Petrograd on April 3, 1917 dramatically changed the situation. Lenin delivered the April Theses, in which he called for a transition from the bourgeois-democratic to a socialist revolution, the transfer of power to the Soviets, the conclusion of a democratic peace, the establishment of workers' control over production and distribution, and an immediate solution to the agrarian question. It was a course not of socio-political consolidation, but of splitting society, of isolating the proletariat and the "proletarian" party and seizing power by it, which would inevitably lead to civil war. Despite the initial rejection of the April Theses, Lenin still managed to impose his strategy on the Bolshevik Party.

The most important factor influencing the development of events in Russia was the activity of the Provisional Government. In the first weeks of its existence, it enjoyed extraordinary popularity and carried out broad democratic reforms. Broad political rights and freedoms were proclaimed, national and religious restrictions were abolished, the death penalty was abolished, censorship, police, hard labor were abolished, and a political amnesty was announced. At the same time, the arrest of Nicholas II and his family, as well as the tsarist ministers and a number of representatives of the former administration, was authorized.

Under pressure from the Soviets, the Provisional Government carried out a radical democratization of the army. Order No. 1 played a huge role in this. A purge of the senior command staff was carried out, courts-martial were abolished, and the institution of commissars was introduced to monitor the political loyalty of officers. The Provisional Government approached socio-economic reforms much more cautiously, postponing their implementation until the Constituent Assembly. However, the Provisional Government could not be completely inactive: thus, as part of the preparation of the agrarian reform, land committees were created, and in order to overcome food difficulties, the introduction of a state grain monopoly was announced, and then the Ministry of Food was created. On April 23, the government legalized the factory committees that had arisen at enterprises. To achieve "class peace", the Ministry of Labor, conciliation committees, and labor exchanges were created. However, the 8-hour working day was never decreed. The possibility of a broad reform was limited by the ongoing world war, the difficult economic situation, and most importantly, the desire of moderate socialists and Cadets to maintain a balance, a compromise between the interests of the main socio-political forces necessary to maintain stability in the country. And in this sense, the policy of the Provisional Government was undoubtedly effective. However, his real power was extremely weak, which was aggravated by the lack of a strong support in the field.

On March 5, by order of Prince Lvov, instead of the dismissed governors, commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed to the places, who became the chairmen of the relevant Zemsky councils. However, the Zemstvos were gradually pushed aside from power by the Soviets, whose number increased from March to October 1917 from 600 to 1429. At the fronts, soldiers' committees acted as a kind of analogue of the Soviets, they united up to 300 thousand military personnel.

Until the autumn of 1917, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks dominated the Soviets, whose program impressed the masses the most. The Soviets did not want to take supreme power into their own hands, but their support for the Provisional Government was far from unconditional. The Soviets exerted powerful pressure on him “from the left” and took a number of independent actions (“Order No. 1”, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, the adoption of the manifesto “To the peoples of the whole world”).

Crises of the Provisional Government and the coming to power of the Bolsheviks. After the February Revolution, the country faced a number of fundamental problems that required immediate solutions: exit from the war, the elimination of agrarian and national problems, the establishment of a democratic system of power, and overcoming economic difficulties. Two ways of solving these pressing problems were proposed: an evolutionary one, which meant a gradual reform of the country in the spirit of bourgeois-democratic values, and a radical one, based on the destruction of private property and the transition to socialism. The choice had to be made in the extreme conditions of the war, a sharp weakening of all verticals of power, the presence of real multi-authority, the illiteracy of 70% of the population and the absence of well-established democratic traditions.

The problem of attitudes towards the war became the cause of the first political crisis that exploded the relative unity of the post-February society. On April 18, Foreign Minister Milyukov published a government note in which he reaffirmed Russia's commitment to the Allies to wage the war to a victorious end. On April 20, a spontaneous anti-war demonstration of armed soldiers took place in Petrograd. The next day, up to 100 thousand workers took to the streets of the city demanding: "Down with Milyukov!", "Long live the world without annexations and indemnities!" The explosive situation was defused by the Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary leaders of the Petrosoviet, having obtained concessions from the Provisional Government in the form of clarifications that the “decisive victory” meant the achievement of a “lasting peace”.

The April crisis led to a change in its personnel. Guchkov and Milyukov left the government, and 6 socialists and 10 liberals entered. The entry of moderate socialists into the government, which was losing popularity, gave hope to the masses, but placed the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries directly responsible for its activities.

Despite all the efforts of the new coalition Provisional Government, it was not possible to stabilize the situation in the country. At this time, the simple and ultra-radical slogans of the Bolsheviks, in every possible way inciting hatred for the "bourgeois", gradually began to gain popularity. The demagogy of their propaganda was unprecedented. In May-June 1917, the Bolsheviks strengthened their positions among the Petrograd workers and soldiers, and in order to show their growing influence, they decided to hold a demonstration on June 10 under anti-war and anti-government slogans. However, the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which was working at that time, at which the Bolsheviks had only an 8th part of the mandates, banned the demonstration. But on June 18, the day on which the Congress of Soviets scheduled a demonstration of support for the Provisional Government, Bolshevik slogans clearly prevailed.

Already on July 2, a number of Cadets ministers resigned in protest against the agreement with the Central Rada of Ukraine. A new government crisis prompted an explosion of discontent among the soldier and worker masses, who were increasingly falling under the influence of massive Bolshevik agitation.

On July 3, all of Petrograd was engulfed in demonstrations and rallies demanding the transfer of power to the Soviets. On July 4, about 500 thousand people took to the streets, more than 700 people were killed and wounded. The government declared Petrograd under martial law and called in troops from the front, accusing the Bolsheviks of having links with the German authorities. The disarmament of the revolutionary units and the workers who took part in the demonstration began, an order was issued to arrest the Bolshevik leaders, and the newspaper Pravda was closed. The death penalty was restored at the front.

The new situation prompted Lenin to rethink the tactics of the Bolsheviks. He came to the conclusion that after the July events, "the counter-revolution won" and the dual power ended. At the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) held in July-August 1917, the slogan "All power to the Soviets" was temporarily withdrawn and a course set for a socialist revolution.

The Provisional Government, seeking to consolidate the forces supporting it and prevent the country from slipping into civil war, held a State Conference in Moscow on August 12-15. It was attended by about 2.5 thousand delegates from organizations of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, the army, Soviets, Zemstvos, cooperatives, intelligentsia, clergy, deputies of all State Dumas, etc. The Bolsheviks refused to participate in the meeting and organized a powerful protest strike in Moscow. The meeting participants demanded the adoption of tough measures to restore order, the introduction of the death penalty not only at the front, but also in the rear, bringing the war to a victorious end. The meeting demonstrated the growing popularity of General Kornilov, appointed in July as commander-in-chief of the Russian army.

The meeting as a whole did not lead to the consolidation of the bourgeois and socialist forces, but contributed to their further shift to the right. After some hesitation, the head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, agreed with Kornilov's proposals to limit political freedoms and establish a dictatorship. On August 26, when the 3rd cavalry corps of General Krymov was ready to throw on Petrograd, Kornilov demanded that Kerensky hand over military and civil power to him, declare Petrograd under martial law and arrive at Headquarters (for security reasons). Fearing that Kornilov could do without him, Kerensky tried to remove the general, and when this failed, he informed the country of his "treason." The Soviets and all socialist parties, including the Bolsheviks, resolutely opposed "Kornilovism". 60,000 Red Guards, soldiers, and sailors stood up to defend Petrograd. By August 30, the troops heading for the capital were stopped and dispersed without firing. Kornilov was arrested, and Krymov shot himself.

September 1, 1917 Russia was proclaimed a republic. After the defeat of the "Kornilovshchina", the situation and the balance of power in the country changed fundamentally. The most active forces of the right were defeated. The Provisional Government and the parties forming it (Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks), in the context of the worsening socio-economic crisis, were increasingly deprived of popular support. At the same time, the Bolsheviks, who actively participated in the fight against the "Kornilovism", rapidly increased their influence. In August-October, the number of their party reached 350,000. In September, the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets came under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, and then the Soviets in 80 large and medium-sized cities of the country.

Under the new conditions, Lenin saw the possibility of a peaceful development of the revolution and the seizure of power by the Soviets, for which it was necessary to break the coalition of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks with the Cadets. However, the All-Russian Democratic Conference, held in Petrograd on September 14-22, approved the creation of a coalition government with the Cadets. Without waiting for the end of the work of the Democratic Conference, Lenin again changed tactics. On September 15, he wrote to the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party letters "The Bolsheviks must take power" and "Marxism and the uprising", in which he demanded to immediately take power. The corresponding decision was made at the meetings of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party on October 10 and 16. Only Kamenev and Zinoviev opposed the uprising. The organizer of the uprising was the Petrograd Soviet, led by Trotsky, as well as the Military Revolutionary Committee (VRC) created under the Soviet. On October 24-25, an armed uprising in Petrograd overthrew the Provisional Government with almost no casualties.

The II All-Russian Congress of Soviets (October 25-26), which was dominated by Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries, elected a new All-Russian Central Executive Committee (Chairman Kamenev) and formed a new provisional government - the Council people's commissars headed by Lenin. On the initiative of the Bolsheviks, the congress adopted the Decrees on Peace and Land. The first of them offered "to all belligerent peoples and their governments to begin immediately negotiations for a just democratic peace" without annexations and indemnities.

The Decree on Land largely repeated the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program and was a serious departure from the Bolshevik views on the countryside. It provided for the transfer of landlord and other lands to the disposal of peasant committees and county peasant soviets until the final decision of all land issues by the Constituent Assembly. The decree included the "Mandate of 242 local peasant committees and councils", which provided for the abolition of private ownership of land, the transfer of highly cultivated farms to the state, and an equal division of land among peasants according to labor standards.

The coming to power of the Bolsheviks marked the collapse of the prospects for the bourgeois-democratic development of the country, which opened in February. The main reasons for this were the weakness of state power, the war, the slow nature of reforms, the growth of radical sentiments in society. The Bolsheviks were able to use this situation to seize - under the Soviet flag - power in order to try to implement their ideological doctrine.

February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917

the second Russian revolution, as a result of which the autocracy was overthrown and conditions were created for the transition to the socialist stage of the revolution.

The February Revolution was basically generated by the same socio-economic contradictions as the Revolution of 1905-07 in Russia (See Revolution of 1905-07 in Russia). It faced the fundamental tasks of the democratic transformation of the country: the overthrow of the tsarist monarchy, the establishment of a democratic republic, the abolition of landlordism, and the abolition of national oppression. “Our bourgeois revolution has not been completed,” wrote V.I. bourgeois-democratic tasks remains inevitable” (V. I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 20, p. 307). The further development of capitalism deepened the socio-economic contradictions, bringing the democratic and socialist tasks that faced the proletariat even closer. World War I 1914–18 (See World War I 1914-1918) accelerated the process of the development of monopoly capital into state-monopoly and the growth of the political organization of the bourgeoisie. The war aggravated all social conflicts in the country to the extreme, accelerated the onset of a new revolution, and gave rise to such a political situation that “... the cart covered with blood and dirt of the Romanov monarchy could overturn immediately” (ibid., vol. 31, p. 13).

On the eve of the revolution, three camps were still active in the political arena: government, liberal-bourgeois, or opposition, and revolutionary-democratic. By the beginning of 1917, the positions of each of them, compared with 1905-07, were determined with even greater clarity. The decay of tsarism reached its limit. In the government camp, the most rabid forces of reaction and obscurantism were gaining the upper hand, finding their fullest expression in Rasputinism. The feudal landlords, the backbone of the government camp, led by the tsarist monarchy, were ready to make a deal with the German monarchy in order not to “give up” Russia to the liberal bourgeoisie. The main goal of the bourgeoisie as a class was to achieve political power in the state, which she "...rules for a long time...economically..." (ibid., p. 18). From the first days of the war, bourgeois organizations arose: the All-Russian Zemstvo and City Unions. In July 1915 they formed the Main Committee of these unions ("Zemgor"). At the same time, the Military Industrial Committees (MIC) were created. The Central Military-Industrial Complex was headed by the leader of the Octobrist Party, AN Guchkov. In August 1915, the leaders of the largest bourgeois constitutional-democratic party (the Cadets), headed by P. N. Milyukov, created the Progressive Bloc in the 4th State Duma. The bourgeoisie sought to take advantage of the defeats of tsarism in the war and, frightening it with a growing revolution, to obtain concessions from the monarchy and a division of power (see ibid., vol. 27, p. 28). The forces of reaction and the half-hearted liberal opposition were opposed by the revolutionary camp, led by the proletariat, which sought to carry the democratic revolution to the end. The Russian proletariat during the war years, by and large, turned out to be "... immunized against chauvinism" (ibid., vol. 26, p. 331) and continued to wage a revolutionary struggle against tsarism with increasing vigor.

During the war years, the number of the industrial proletariat increased and by the beginning of 1917 amounted to over 3.6 million people, the total army of labor - about 20 million people. As a result of the reduction in the number of small enterprises, the concentration of workers in large-scale production has increased. The Russian proletariat, enriched by the experience of the Revolution of 1905–1907 and educated on the ideas of the Bolshevik Pravda (See Pravda) , acted as the hegemon and the main driving force of the February Revolution. He led the nationwide movement against war and tsarism, led the soldiers and the peasantry. His revolutionary courage and steadfastness in strike battles inspired the masses and drew them into an open struggle against the tsarist authorities. The leader of the proletariat was the Bolshevik Party headed by V. I. Lenin.

In the context of the imperialist war and the sharpening of the contradictions of capitalism, favorable conditions arose for the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and its development into a socialist revolution. Of all the warring powers, Russia experienced the most economic upheaval. By early 1917 the country was facing an economic disaster. progressive collapse National economy, impending famine, military defeats - all this testified to the rottenness of the tsarist regime and strengthened the revolutionary moods of the masses. The revolutionary crisis that arose in the autumn of 1915, by the beginning of 1917, covered all aspects of the socio-economic and political life country, affected all classes and social strata of the population. The bourgeois opposition revived, which hatched plans for a palace coup to replace Nicholas II with another monarch capable of making concessions to the bourgeoisie and continuing the imperialist war to a victorious end. But the bourgeois leaders talked more about the palace coup than actually prepared it. However, the opposition maneuvers of the bourgeoisie weakened the positions of tsarism and reflected the aggravation of the revolutionary crisis in the country.

After a lull at the beginning of the war (in the spring and summer of 1915), the economic and political struggle of the working class began to grow rapidly. Its main weapon, as in 1905, was the strike. In August - December 1914, according to official data, 70 strikes took place, in 1915 - 957, in 1916 - 1416. In the vanguard of the struggle was a 400,000-strong detachment of the Petrograd proletariat, which by December 1916 accounted for 75% of the participants in political strikes. The revolutionary movement of the proletariat, its anti-war struggle influenced other sections of the working people, especially the army, intensifying the protest of the soldiers against the war. Fraternization began at the front, desertion grew, soldiers' strikes became more frequent - the refusal to go on the offensive. The peasant masses rose to fight. In 1915 there were 177 peasant uprisings, in 1916 - 294. The working people of the national regions of the country were drawn into the struggle (see Central Asian uprising of 1916) . All this was combined with the collapse of government power, with ministerial leapfrog (for 30 months, 4 chairmen of the Council of Ministers, 6 ministers of internal affairs, 4 military ministers, 4 ministers of justice and agriculture were replaced). The country was gripped by a national crisis. Tsarism tried in vain to prevent the revolution by intensifying its repressions against the workers and soldiers. The liberal bourgeoisie, fearing the growing revolution, tried to preserve the monarchy, soliciting only individual concessions from it (the “Ministry of Trust”) in order to prevent a revolutionary explosion through moderate reforms. The "Progressive Bloc" was, according to the leader of the Cadets, P. N. Milyukov, to play the role of "the life belt of the sinking monarchy." The tactics of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who occupied social-chauvinist positions, amounted to every kind of pushing the bourgeoisie to power.

The Bolshevik Party was the only party which, under the most difficult conditions of the war, prepared the masses for decisive battles with the autocracy. At the end of 1915 Lenin, in defining the immediate tasks of the party, concluded that the social content of the next revolution could only be the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry (see ibid., vol. 27, p. 49). During the war years, the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, launched a struggle against social chauvinism and centrism both in Russia and in the international arena. The Bolshevik Party put forward the slogan of turning the imperialist war into a civil one, educating the masses in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and consistent revolutionary struggle against war and tsarism. From the first days of the war, legal opportunities for the Bolsheviks were sharply reduced, and many illegal party organizations were crushed. In the current situation, the party showed exceptional stamina and vitality, combining illegal and legal forms of struggle, continued to carry out revolutionary work among the masses, led the strike struggle of the proletariat, won over the masses of soldiers, and formed the political army of the revolution.

The party quickly gathered forces after the police pogroms, and at the beginning of 1915 the process of restoring the party organization began. Unlike the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who were in a state of ideological and organizational confusion, the Bolsheviks managed to restore their organization on an all-Russian scale. On the eve of the February Revolution of 1917 it had 154 party organizations and groups and about 24,000 members. In November 1916, the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (P.A. Zalutsky, V.M. Switzerland. The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee relied on the St. Petersburg Committee of the Party (N. F. Agadzhanova, S. I. Afanasiev, V. N. Zalezhsky. F. A. Lemeshev, A. K. Skorokhodov, N. G. Tolmachev, I. D. Chugurin , V. V. Schmidt, K. I. Shutko and others), whose activities Lenin considered a model of revolutionary work during the war. The St. Petersburg Committee headed the country's largest party organization of 2,000 people, which had a wide network of factory cells (from the spring of 1915 to the autumn of 1916 their number increased from 49 to 84). The Petersburg Committee of the Party had a number of underground printing houses, where revolutionary leaflets were systematically printed. From the end of July 1914 to the beginning of March 1917, about 2 million leaflets were issued by local party organizations. Guided by Lenin's strategic and tactical guidelines, the Bolsheviks at rallies, workers' meetings, in leaflets called the masses to a decisive struggle against the autocracy, brought organization to the growing movement, and rallied the militant alliance of workers and soldiers. At the end of 1916, the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee proposed to the St. Petersburg Committee and the Moscow Regional Bureau of the Party to discuss the organization of revolutionary demonstrations and a general strike in order to move from scattered strikes to a mass political struggle that would involve not only the workers, but also the masses of soldiers in the revolutionary movement. and lead them to an armed uprising.

On January 9 (22), 1917, at the call of the Bolsheviks, demonstrations and political strikes took place in a number of cities across the country. The largest strike during the war years took place in Petrograd. About 145 thousand workers took part in it. This was the beginning of the transition to mass street actions and open political struggle against the autocracy. the government took emergency measures to prevent a revolution. On February 5 (18), 1917, the Petrograd Military District was separated from the Sev. front into an independent unit, the commander of the district, General S. S. Khabalov, received broad powers in the fight against the growing revolutionary movement. On February 14 (27), in opposition to the Menshevik attempt to organize a peaceful march of workers to the State Duma, the St. Petersburg workers held a new mass political strike under the slogans "Down with the war!", "Long live the republic!" On February 17 (March 2), under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, a strike began at the Putilov factory, which, as a result of the lockout announced by the authorities, caused a broad movement of solidarity. The strike struggle of the workers merged with the people's protest against the war, the shortage of bread and the unprecedented high cost. Workers, driven to despair by a half-starved existence, smashed bread shops.

On February 23 (March 8) there was a revolutionary explosion that marked the beginning of the February Revolution. The Petrograd Bolsheviks used the celebrated International Women's Day for rallies and meetings against the war, the high cost and the plight of workers. They were especially violent on the Vyborg side, spontaneously developing into strikes and revolutionary demonstrations, which set the entire proletarian Petrograd in motion. From the outskirts of the workers, the columns of demonstrators headed for the center of the city, broke through to Nevsky Prospekt, and here merged into a single revolutionary stream. More than 128,000 workers went on strike that day. The revolutionary initiative of the masses was taken up by the Bolsheviks. They brought consciousness and organization into the rapidly growing movement. The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee and the St. Petersburg Committee gave the party organizations a directive: to develop the movement that had begun as much as possible. Late in the evening a meeting of the leading collective of the Petrograd Bolsheviks was held in the Vyborg district, which recognized the need to continue and expand the strike, organize new demonstrations, intensify agitation among the soldiers, and take measures to arm the workers. The meeting recommended that two main slogans be put forward: the overthrow of the monarchy and the cessation of the imperialist war, suggested that "all comrades come to the enterprises in the morning and, without starting work, after a flying meeting, bring as many workers as possible to a demonstration." In the following days, rallies and flying meetings were held at the enterprises of Petrograd in the morning, workers under the leadership of the Bolsheviks took to the streets and joined the ranks of the demonstrators. The Bolsheviks lacked the strength to organizationally embrace this entire revolutionary stream, but the movement developed under the direct ideological influence of the Bolshevik Party, its slogans became the slogans of the insurgent workers and soldiers.

On February 24 (March 9), workers from 224 Petrograd enterprises took part in strikes, and the number of strikers increased to 214,000. On February 25 (March 10), a general political strike began, paralyzing the life of the city. On the evening of February 25, General Khabalov received an order from the tsar to immediately end the unrest in the capital. Additional units were called to Petrograd, and on February 26 (March 11) bloody clashes with the police and troops took place in a number of districts of the city. On the same day, a large demonstration of workers was shot at Znamenskaya Square; the police made mass arrests in various public organizations and political parties. On the night of February 26, the secretary of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP A.K. Skorokhodov and a member of the St. Petersburg Committee A.N. Vinokurov and E.K. Eizenshmidt were arrested. On behalf of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, the functions of the Petersburg Committee were temporarily performed by the Vyborg District Committee. The proletariat intensified its struggle for the masses of soldiers. In the leaflet "Brothers soldiers!" the Bolsheviks urged them to support the workers, to strengthen the "fraternal alliance between the army and the people." On the evening of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky Guards Regiment rebelled, opening fire on the policemen who were shooting the workers. The transition of the army to the side of the revolution began.

Chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko telegraphed the tsar: “The situation is serious. Anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed...”. In the conditions of the revolution that had actually begun, the bourgeoisie continued to bargain with the tsar and sought to wrest from him consent to the "ministry of trust." But the tsar ordered a break in the work of the Duma from February 26, 1917.

On February 27 (March 12), the general political strike developed into an armed uprising, the revolutionary actions of the workers joined forces with the movement of the masses of soldiers. The first to rise that day were the soldiers of the training team of the Volynsky regiment, then the soldiers of the Preobrazhensky and Lithuanian regiments. On the morning of February 27, more than 10 thousand soldiers joined the uprising, in the afternoon - over 25 thousand, by the evening - about 67 thousand, and at the end of the next day - 127 thousand. The soldiers of the Petrograd garrison stood up under the banner of the revolution. By joint efforts, on February 27, armed workers and soldiers almost completely captured Petrograd. Bridges, railway stations, the Main Arsenal, the telegraph office, the Main Post Office, and the most important government institutions passed into their hands. Police stations were destroyed and prisons seized, political prisoners were released, and arrests of tsarist ministers began. General Khabalov, with a small number of troops, tried to fortify himself in the Admiralty building, but on February 28 (March 13) he was forced to capitulate. The last bastions of tsarism fell: the Peter and Paul Fortress, the Winter Palace. The tsar's attempt to organize a punitive expedition led by General N.I. Ivanov failed. The ministers of the last tsarist government were arrested and soon imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. The revolution won in the capital.

On February 27, the Bolsheviks issued the Manifesto of the Central Committee of the RSDLP, which called for the creation of a Provisional Revolutionary Government, the establishment of a democratic republic, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, the confiscation of landowners' lands, and an immediate end to the imperialist war. In the course of the revolutionary events, the proletariat of Petrograd set about creating Soviets of Workers' Deputies. At the enterprises of the city, elections to the Soviet began on February 24–25 “... In February 1917,” Lenin wrote, “the masses created the Soviets, even before any party had time to proclaim this slogan. The deepest folk art who went through the bitter experience of 1905, made wiser by him - that's who created this form of proletarian power ”(Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 36, p. 6). The Bolsheviks sought to lead the movement to create Soviets. On February 27, the Vyborg District Committee organized an initiative group for elections to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, which addressed the workers and soldiers with a proclamation: “The desired hour has come. The people take power into their own hands... First of all, choose deputies, let them get in touch with each other. Let the Council of Deputies be created under the protection of the troops” (“The Revolutionary Movement in Russia after the Overthrow of the Autocracy. Documents and Materials”, 1957, p. 5).

On the evening of February 27, the first meeting of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies took place in the Tauride Palace. Fulfilling the will of the revolutionary people, the Soviet by its first acts showed itself as a fighting organ of the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, as a "workers' government" (see V. I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 31 , p. 18), although still unofficial and undeveloped. The Soviet enjoyed the unconditional support of the insurgent workers and soldiers, the real power was in its hands. He set about creating a workers' militia and the formation of regional organs of people's power, issued Order No. 1, which consolidated the revolutionary gains of the soldier masses. But the revolutionary activity of the Soviet was hindered by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries.

The revolution aroused huge petty-bourgeois masses to active political activity. This gave the revolution scope, but at the same time contributed to the spread of petty-bourgeois sentiments and illusions. Rising on the crest of a gigantic petty-bourgeois wave, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries were able to take the leadership of the Soviet into their own hands, to direct its activities along the path of agreement and subordination to the liberal bourgeoisie. On the night of February 28, the creation of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma of 1917 was officially announced (See Provisional Committee of the State Duma of 1917) , who tried to take power into his own hands, stop the development of the revolution and save the monarchy. On March 2 (15), the committee sent its representatives A. I. Guchkov and V. V. Shulgin to the Headquarters. As a result of negotiations, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated the throne on March 2 both for himself and for his young son Alexei in favor of his younger brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, but the latter also abdicated on March 3 (16). On March 1 (14), the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, despite the protest of the Bolsheviks, decided to give the Provisional Committee the right to form a government. On March 2, the Plenum of the Council approved this decision of the Executive Committee. On the same day the bourgeois Provisional Government was formed. headed by Prince G. E. Lvov. Formed dual power , expressing a transitional moment in the development of the revolution, “... when it went beyond the usual bourgeois-democratic revolution, but did not yet reach the “pure” dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry” (ibid., p. 155).

The victory of the Petrograd proletariat was of decisive importance. “The revolution,” Lenin noted, “was decided by the Petrograd workers... Petrograd woke up Russia” (ibid., p. 458). Moscow was the first to support him. On February 26, the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee sent a letter to the Moscow organization about the events in the capital. On the evening of February 27, a meeting of the Moscow Regional Bureau of the Central Committee and the Moscow Committee of the Bolsheviks took place, which decided to call on the workers to a general strike, demonstrations and elections to the Soviet. February 28 was the first day of the revolution in Moscow. On the night of March 1, the 1st reserve artillery brigade joined the uprising, then other military units. The work detachments created at the enterprises seized weapons and, with the help of soldiers, by the evening of March 1, occupied the key points of the city - the Kremlin, Arsenal, railway stations, bridges, the State Bank, arrested the mayor and the governor. On February 28, elections to the Soviet began, and on March 1, the first meeting of the Moscow Soviet of Workers' Deputies took place. On the night of March 1, Kronstadt rebelled.

On March 2, an uprising of sailors, soldiers and workers began in Helsingfors, the stronghold of the Baltic Fleet. During March the revolution triumphantly spread throughout the country. The process of democratization of the army unfolded, soldiers' committees arose at the front and in the rear. The revolution engulfed the national outskirts of Russia.

The victory of the February Revolution turned Russia into the freest country of all the warring powers, providing the masses with the opportunity to widely enjoy political rights. The Bolshevik Party, which emerged from the underground, launched an enormous amount of work among the masses, helping them to free themselves from petty-bourgeois illusions and pass over to the positions of the socialist revolution. On March 5 (18) Pravda began to appear again. The mass creation of trade unions began, factory committees arose , which became strongholds of workers' control over production, workers' militia detachments were formed.

All over the country the workers and peasants created people's organs of power. During March, 600 Soviets arose: workers' deputies, workers' and soldiers' deputies, soldiers' deputies, peasant deputies. This was of decisive importance for the revolutionary organization of the masses, for the further development of the revolution and the transfer of state power into the hands of the working class.

The situation in the country and the world, the tasks set, but not completely solved by the February Revolution, required the further development of the revolution. The bourgeois Provisional Government could give the people neither peace, nor land, nor genuine freedom. If the bourgeoisie, with the help of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, headed for curtailing the revolution and limiting it to the framework of the bourgeois system, then the Bolsheviks called for moving the revolution further, to the transfer of all power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry, to socialism. “To move forward in Russia of the 20th century, which won the republic and democracy by revolutionary means,” wrote Lenin, “is impossible without moving towards socialism...” (ibid., vol. 34, p. 192). In the March "Letters from afar" Lenin put forward a course towards the transition to a socialist revolution, which was then comprehensively substantiated in his April theses.

In spite of historical originality The February Revolution of 1917 confirmed the correctness of Lenin's strategic course and tactical slogans, calculated on the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution with the subsequent development into a socialist one. “The driving forces of the revolution,” Lenin noted in April 1917, “we determined quite correctly. Events justified our old Bolshevik positions...” (ibid., vol. 31, p. 239). The revolution gave a mighty impetus to the anti-war, revolutionary-democratic movement throughout the world. The blow to tsarism inflicted by the workers and peasants of Russia was also a blow to the world capitalist system. Having eliminated the tsarist monarchy and called into existence the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, the February Revolution created the necessary socio-political prerequisites for the transition to a new, socialist stage of the revolution.

Lit.: Lenin V.I., War and Russian Social Democracy, Poln. coll. soch., 5th ed., v. 26; his, Several theses, ibid., vol. 27; his, the Defeat of Russia and the revolutionary crisis, ibid.; his, On the Two Lines of the Revolution, ibid.; his, Letters from afar, ibid., vol. 31; his, About dual power, ibid.; his, Comrades, languishing in captivity, in the same place; his, The Revolution in Russia and the Tasks of the Workers of All Countries, ibid.; Bolsheviks during the imperialist war. 1914 - February 1917. Sat. documents, M., 1939; History of the CPSU, vol. 2, M., 1966; History of the USSR, vol. 6, M., 1968; Mints N.I., History of the Great October Revolution, vol. 1 - Overthrow of the autocracy, M., 1967; Burdzhalov E.N., The Second Russian Revolution. Uprising in Petrograd, M., 1967; his, the Second Russian Revolution. Moscow. Front. Periphery, M., 1971; The Bolshevik Party in the February Revolution of 1917, M., 1971; Rutman R. E., Russia during the First World War and the February Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. (July 1914 - February 1917). Bible index of Soviet literature published in 1953–1968, L., 1975.

February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917. Provisional government in power.

The Russian economy during the war. The origins of the national crisis. Russia's participation in the First World War radically changed the internal situation in the country. The Russian economy was to be reorganized on a military footing and primarily meet the needs of the army and the front in armaments, supplies, etc.

In 1914, Russia was militarily unprepared for war. The "large program" of rearmament of the army was to be completed only by 1917, and the fleet did not have time to make up for the losses of Port Arthur and Tsushima. Following European experts, Russian military experts believed that the future war would be fleeting. In accordance with the prevailing military doctrine, supplies were prepared for 2-3 months. By the beginning of the war, the Russian army lacked 370,000 rifles and 12,000 machine guns.

In order to organize military production, the tsarist government switched to regulating not only the military industry, but the entire economy in general. The transfer to the state (sequestration) of large military factories and banks began. This gave rise to state capitalism. This was the case not only in Russia, but in all the warring states.

Various committees and societies were created in the country to organize assistance to the government in restructuring the economy on a war footing. In the first days of the war, the nobility created the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. Somewhat later, bourgeois circles created the All-Russian Union of Cities under the leadership of the mayor of Moscow, M.V. Chelnokov. In mid-1915, both of these organizations created the Chief Army Supply Committee, or Zemgor, headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. He was engaged in sanitary affairs, and also, with the consent of the government, his functions included: mobilizing the handicraft industry for military purposes, distributing orders, organizing the procurement of raw materials and supplies, supplying the army with uniforms, equipment, food; evacuation of industrial enterprises, accommodation of refugees, etc.

In May 1915, representatives of industry and trade created the Central Military Industrial Committee headed by A.I. Guchkov. His task was to assist the government in restructuring industry on a war footing.

In parallel with these bodies, to regulate intra-economic life, the government established its own bodies in the form of four Special Conferences on the defense of the state, on fuel, on food and on the transportation and settlement of refugees, headed by the relevant ministers. Chief among them was the Special Defense Conference. The Chairman of the Special Conference on Defense had great rights and powers: he distributed military orders not only within the country, but also abroad, controlled production and set prices for products, could close private enterprises, subject them to sequestration, etc. Such were the rights of the other chairmen of the meetings.

Since the beginning of the war, more than 80% of Russian factories were transferred to martial law. During the war years, more than 25% of the adult male population of the country was mobilized into the army. 20% of industrial cadre workers were sent to the front. This caused an influx of unskilled workers into the factories. As a result, labor productivity in industrial enterprises fell. production declined, especially in light industry. During the war years, the decline in production in industry amounted to 20%. But there was an increase in industries that worked for the war. The production of various types of weapons and ammunition has increased significantly: rifles - 11 times, guns - 10 times, shells for them - 20 times. New specialized automotive, aviation and chemical enterprises for the production of optical glass and explosives arose, electrical engineering and the radio industry were created.

Already by 1917, the Russian army was provided with weapons and ammunition better than at the beginning of the war. However, the needs of the front for weapons and ammunition were not satisfied. Due to the lack of proper organization of labor, a clear performance discipline, indisposition, criminal negligence, there was not enough raw materials, equipment, weapons, uniforms and food were not delivered to the front on time.

Thus, despite the significant efforts of the government, the situation with the supply of the army not only did not improve, but became more and more confused.

Transport, especially railways, was in a difficult situation. In 1916, 1/4 of the locomotive fleet broke down or was captured by the enemy. Large locomotive and car building plants, fulfilling military orders, sharply reduced the output of rolling stock. Old steam locomotives and wagons, broken in the war, could not cope with the transportation of military cargo. The population of the central cities was starving, while due to the lack of transport on the Volga, the Caspian Sea, and the Don, the stocks of meat, fish, and bread deteriorated. The difficult situation on the railways affected the deterioration of the supply of the army and cities. The supply of food to Petrograd was reduced by half, and to Moscow by 2/3. (See additional textbook.)

The forced concentration of all industrial activity on military production destroyed the domestic market. Industry did not meet the needs of the civilian population. Within a few months there was a shortage of manufactured goods. Unable to buy what they needed, the peasants reduced supplies to the cities, causing the prices of agricultural products to rise as much as those of manufactured goods. The country entered a period of inflation and deficit. Wages have not kept pace with rising prices. The living conditions of the people deteriorated sharply. In this situation, the Russian government did not take measures to combat inflation, to freeze prices and wages, or to introduce a card system. The lack of a consistent economic policy contributed to the formation of a political vacuum.

The war had a detrimental effect on the situation of agriculture. During the war years, 2.6 million horses and a huge number of farms remained horseless. The mobilization of men into the army in some provinces reached 50% or more. In most provinces, about a third, and sometimes about half of the peasant farms were left without workers. The German occupation of dozens of western provinces (all of Poland, Lithuania, parts of the Baltic states, Western Belarus and Western Ukraine) led to a reduction in sown areas. During the war years, grain crops were reduced by 12%, grain harvest fell by 20%. Nevertheless, the average annual grain harvest - 4.4 billion poods - was still sufficient to provide for the city and the army. The cause of the food crisis was not a shortage of bread in the country, but the poor organization of its purchases and delivery to the cities. For these reasons, the delivery of grain to the front in 1916 amounted to only half of the required norm, and by the end of 1916 - no more than 1/3. At the end of 1916, a grain allocation was introduced in 31 provinces. In December, the grain allocation was brought to every peasant household. The collection of potatoes and other agricultural crops has been reduced. Sugar production was reduced by 1/3, and cards were introduced for it. The sale of meat on the market during the war years was reduced by 4 times. The production of agricultural machinery has decreased. As a result, food prices have increased several times. To save grain, the government banned the production of vodka. The export of grain abroad continued, because. it was necessary to pay for the import of weapons and industrial equipment.

In 1916, a food crisis began in the country. The country's food situation deteriorated sharply, and speculation flourished. The fuel crisis began to make itself felt. The extraction and supply of coal were clearly not sufficient. Already in 1915, Petrograd received 49%, and Moscow 46% of the fuel they needed.

Socio-political crisis. In the initial period of the war, a patriotic upsurge embraced all sections of Russian society. On the first day of the declaration of war on Palace Square in front of the Winter Palace, a demonstration of many thousands gathered in support of the war and sang "God Save the Tsar" on their knees. Demonstrations were held in the cities of the country under the slogan "To Berlin!", "Lead us, sovereign!" The country was swept by a wave of Germanophobia. The German embassy was destroyed, the buildings of German firms were smashed. On August 18, 1914, the capital of the Russian Empire, St. Petersburg, was renamed Petrograd. The one-day session of the Fourth State Duma voted overwhelmingly in favor of military credits. Only the Social Democrats and the Trudoviks abstained. All the parties that had been in opposition only yesterday supported the government. Only the Central Committee of the RSDLP under the influence of V.I. As early as the autumn of 1914, Lenin put forward the slogan of "revolutionary defeatism": the Bolsheviks declared the war unjust and predatory on the part of all its participants and called on the workers of the belligerent powers to strive to defeat their governments and turn "the imperialist war into a civil war." This slogan was not supported by the workers of the other belligerent powers. In France and Germany, the anti-war movement was punishable up to the death penalty. Three months after the start of the war, the entire Duma faction of the Bolsheviks was arrested, then convicted and exiled to the Turukhansk region. The Cadets proposed "abandoning civil strife until victory." The Mensheviks at first took a negative stance towards the war, but soon switched to defencist positions. Most of the Socialist-Revolutionaries supported the government. For the Russian bourgeoisie, carried away by the ideas of nationalism, the war was a struggle not only in support of the "younger Serbian brother", but also for economic liberation from German domination.

The failures of the Russian armies at the front, the deterioration of the position of the masses created mass discontent in the country. The prolongation of the war was reflected in the morale of the people and the army. The patriotic upsurge was left behind, the idea of ​​"Slavic solidarity" has exhausted itself. Huge losses in the war and fatigue from it made themselves felt. Hospitals were set up in the cities of Russia, where more and more disabled and wounded people appeared. In the thousands of reserve regiments of the rear garrisons, new soldiers were hastily prepared. The immobility of the positional war, sitting in the trenches, the lack of elementary human conditions in the positions led to an increase in soldier unrest. At the beginning of the war, the anti-war slogans of the Bolsheviks in Russia were not popular. But in 1916, anti-war sentiments became widespread at the front. At the front and in the rear garrisons, there were more and more cases of non-compliance with orders, expressions of sympathy for the striking workers, cases of fraternization with German and Austrian soldiers, and refusal to go into battle became more frequent at the front.

Disappointment and dissatisfaction with the policy of the government increasingly gripped society. From the middle of 1915, a period of workers' strikes and demonstrations began in the country. If in 1914 35 thousand workers were on strike, in 1915 - 560 thousand, in 1916 - 1.1 million, in the first two months of 1917 - already 400 thousand people.

The revolutionary movement of the workers was supplemented by peasant uprisings. In the autumn of 1915, 177 protests by rural residents against the landlords were registered, and in 1916 there were already 294 of them.

A new indicator of the revolutionary movement in 1916 was the participation in it of the population of the national outskirts. Actions against the tsarist government began in Central Asia. The basis for the mass protest of the poor were: the seizure of land in favor of the settlers, extortions and requisitions "for the war." The signal for the outbreak was the decree of 1916 on the conscription of "foreigners" for rear work (they were not called up for military service). In the city of Khojent in Uzbekistan, the first protest against mobilization took place. Soon the police department in Tashkent was destroyed. In Kyrgyzstan, the rebels besieged the cities of Przhevalsk and the city of Tokmak. The uprising in Turkestan assumed a protracted character. Military units were sent to suppress it. Strong in scope was the movement in the Turgai region of Kazakhstan, led by a shepherd-laborer Amangeldy Imanov. Until 1917, the defeat of the volost administrations, the destruction of mobilization lists, portraits of the king continued; battles with guard troops.

The uprisings in the Central Asian region and Kazakhstan were of an anti-tsarist nature, although the local feudal lords and the bourgeoisie tried to direct them against the Russian population.

In the autumn and winter of 1916-1917. revolutionary and opposition sentiments resulted in a nationwide crisis. In the State Duma and the liberal press, criticism of the tsarist government was heard more and more sharply. There were demands for the creation of a government appointed by the Duma and responsible to the Duma, and not to the tsar. At the second session of the State Duma on August 1 - September 16, 1915, the majority of the Duma deputies formed the Progressive Bloc. Half of the members of the Council of State joined the Progressives. The progressive block demanded: to create a government "enjoying the confidence of the country", to put an end to the military-civilian dual power in the rear, to proclaim a political amnesty, to stop religious discrimination, to prepare a law on the autonomy of Poland, to pursue a policy of appeasement in the Finnish question, to revise the laws of 1890 and 1892. on zemstvos, etc. In response to these demands, Nicholas II issued a decree suspending the meetings of the Duma. (In Germany, from the very beginning of the war, Wilhelm II suspended the functioning of parliament.) On November 13 - December 30, 1916, a regular session of the Duma took place. The leader of the Cadets Party P.N. Milyukov. Bearing in mind Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and Chairman of the Council of Ministers B.V. Stürmer (who came from a family of Russified Germans), P.N. Milyukov hinted at the presence of a "German party" next to the imperial family, which sought to defeat Russia in the war and conclude separate peace with Germany. P.N. Milyukov interspersed with exclamations: "What is this, stupidity or treason?" A.F. Kerensky, on behalf of the Trudoviks, demanded the resignation of "all the ministers who had betrayed the country." (After the February Revolution, the head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky created a commission to study the activities of the tsar and tsarina and their possible connection with the Germans. The commission found that the royal family did not conduct any separate negotiations with the Germans, and Alexandra Feodorovna was devoted to her new homeland .)

The government crisis was expressed in the "ministerial leapfrog" - the frequent change of ministers. For 1915 - 1916 4 chairmen of the Council of Ministers, 4 military ministers, 6 ministers of the interior, 4 ministers of justice were replaced. (See additional textbook material.) Nicholas II looked for and did not find the people he needed. On August 23, 1915, Nicholas II assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, removing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich from this post. The Grand Duke was sent to the Caucasus as a governor. He harbored a grudge and began to weave intrigues. After that, Nicholas II began to spend more and more time at the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command in Mogilev. But the tsar did not possess the abilities of a military strategist, he could not make successful appointments to leading positions in the army. As a result, it was not possible to raise the "morale" in the troops, the Russian army was constantly retreating. Meanwhile, the country was becoming more and more ungovernable.

High society circles considered one of the reasons for the difficult situation in the country to be the influence on royal family Grigory Rasputin. (See additional textbook material.) The royal family, preoccupied with the serious illness of Tsarevich Alexei, was forced to resort to the services of the notorious Siberian elder G. Rasputin in St. Petersburg circles. A conspiracy against G. Rasputin took shape at court. On the night of December 30-31, 1916, he was killed by Prince F.F. Yusupov, nationalist deputy V.M. Purishkevich and Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich. The gap between the royal family and their entourage grew. The natural shyness of the empress was regarded as arrogance, the hope of Nicholas II in the Providence of God, his equal treatment of his subjects - as an inability to make strong-willed decisions. (See additional textbook.)

The country was on the verge of a revolutionary explosion. The leaders of the "Progressive Bloc" began to prepare a palace conspiracy, the active supporters of which were Duma members M.V. Rodzianko, P.N. Milyukov, A.I. Guchkov, G.E. Lvov, as well as prominent industrialists and military generals. Several options were developed for the removal of Nicholas II from the throne. One of them intended to transfer the supreme power in the country to Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich, the other - the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of the tsar's brother - Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

But further events in the country thwarted the implementation of this conspiracy.

Causes and character of the February Revolution. After the revolution of 1905-1907. The tasks of democratizing the country continued to be considered the most important in society - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the solution of agrarian, worker, national issues. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, therefore the February Revolution, like the revolution of 1905-1907, was of a bourgeois-democratic character.

The February revolution took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905-1907. Russia's participation in the exhausting World War I sharply exacerbated all socio-economic and political contradictions. The needs and calamities of the masses, generated by the economic ruin, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiment and extreme dissatisfaction with the policy of tsarism, not only among the left and opposition forces, but also among a significant part of the right. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the emperor, fell sharply. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society, introduced an unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness and behavior of the masses. The millions of front-line soldiers, who saw death every day, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the earth, and the slogan "Down with the war!" was especially popular at the time. The end of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime. The monarchy was losing its support in the army. The February Revolution was a combination of spontaneous and conscious forces of the revolutionary process, it was carried out mainly by the forces of workers and soldiers.

By the end of 1916, the country found itself in a state of deep socio-economic and political crisis. (See additional textbook.)

Nicholas II was aware of the danger threatening the autocracy. But he was a deeply religious person, relied on the Providence of God and believed that "the Lord will arrange everything."

The victory of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution (February 23 - March 3, 1917). The following events served as a pretext for the February Revolution. In Petrograd in the second half of February, due to transport difficulties, the supply of bread worsened. The queues in the stores for bread continuously grew. The lack of bread, speculation, rising prices caused discontent among the workers. On February 18, the workers of one of the workshops of the Putilov factory demanded an increase in wages. The management refused, fired the workers who went on strike, and announced the closure of some shops for an indefinite period. But the dismissed were supported by the workers of other enterprises.

On February 23 (March 8, according to a new style), rallies and meetings were held at the enterprises of Petrograd dedicated to the International women's day. Workers' demonstrations began spontaneously under the slogan "Bread!". In the evening, the slogans "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!" appeared. It was already a political demonstration, and it marked the beginning of the revolution.

On February 24, demonstrations, rallies and strikes assumed an even greater character. On February 25, other sections of the urban population began to join the workers. The strike in Petrograd became general. Nicholas II at that time was at Headquarters in Mogilev. Having learned about what was happening in the capital, he demanded from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov immediately restore order in the capital. On Sunday, February 26, in a number of districts, police and troops began shooting at demonstrators. Upon learning of the participation of soldiers in the execution of workers, a riot broke out among the reserve teams of the Volyn, Lithuanian, and Pavlovsky regiments. On February 27, the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began to cross over to the side of the workers. The workers, united with the soldiers, seized the arsenal, railway stations, stormed the political prison "Crosses", freeing the prisoners. All attempts by General S.S. Khabalov to restore order in the capital did not lead to anything.

Then Nicholas II ordered the Georgievsky battalion from Mogilev and several regiments from the Northern, Western and Southwestern fronts to be sent to Petrograd. At the head of this detachment, the tsar placed the former commander of the Southwestern and Western Front General N.I. Ivanova. But the detachment of N.I. Ivanov was detained near Gatchina by striking railroad workers and could not get through to Petrograd. On February 28, General S.S. Khabalov realized that he had completely lost control over the situation in the capital. He ordered the last defenders of the old system to disperse. The government ministers went into hiding, and then they were arrested one by one. Nicholas II dissolved the IV State Duma. But by the will of circumstances, the Duma found itself in the very center of events.

The rise of duality. On February 27, in Petrograd, on the initiative of various working groups, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, an organ of power was created - the Council of Workers' Deputies (Petrosoviet). In addition to the Petrograd Soviet, more than 600 Soviets arose in the country, which elected permanent bodies - executive committees. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries predominated in the soviets. The Petrosoviet included 12 people: Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, leaders of trade unions and cooperatives. Since most of the seats belonged to the Mensheviks, the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze.

At the same time, on February 27, the deputies of the IV State Duma created the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which also included 12 people. The Provisional Committee was to perform the functions of the government. The chairman of the Provisional Committee was the chairman of the IV State Duma M.V. Rodzianko. Meetings of the Petrosoviet and the Provisional Committee were held in the same building - the Tauride Palace.

So a peculiar situation began to take shape in Russia - dual power - the simultaneous existence of two bodies of power - the power of the bourgeoisie in the person of the Provisional Committee and the power of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry - the Soviets. (See additional textbook.)

Meanwhile, events developed rapidly. A telegram was sent to the Headquarters to the Tsar, informing him that Petrograd was in the hands of the mob and that the Duma had formed a Provisional Committee, which was taking over the functions of the government. The tsar at this time had already left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo. But the royal train got stuck at the headquarters of the Northern Front in Pskov. At this time M.V. Rodzianko in telegrams began to persuade the tsar to "create a government responsible to the Duma." Otherwise, he predicted the death of the dynasty and the monarchy in Russia. After long hesitation, Nicholas II agreed to the creation of a government responsible to the Duma. Until now, the government was appointed by the king and was responsible to him. The creation of a government responsible to the Duma meant the end of autocracy in Russia and the transition to a constitutional form of government. This was a major concession on the part of the king.

Commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky hastened to tell this news to M.V. Rodzianko, but learned that this concession from the tsar was already outdated and the workers of Petrograd were no longer tired of simply creating a government responsible to the Duma. The workers demanded the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne. The Provisional Committee decided to save the constitutional monarchy in Russia. A new plan arose in the leadership of the Provisional Committee: the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of the direct heir of the 13-year-old Alexei, under the regency of the tsar's brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. And, without waiting for the decision of the king, the envoys of the Duma A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin.

The position of the leaders of the Duma was immediately brought to the attention of the tsar. In a reply telegram to M.V. Rodzianko Nicholas II writes: "There is no such sacrifice that I would not make in the name of a real good and for the salvation of my dear mother - Russia." At the same time, by order of the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General M.V. Alekseev to all the commanders of the fronts and fleets - the commander of the Caucasian Front, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, the Romanian Front - General V.V. Sakharov, the Southwestern Front - to General A.A. Brusilov, by the Western Front - to General A.E. Evert, Commander of the Baltic Fleet - Admiral A.I. Nepenin, commander of the Black Sea Fleet - Admiral A.V. Kolchak - telegrams were sent demanding to express his opinion on the plan for the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne. The telegrams contained "hints" that the emperor should be required to abdicate.

For Nicholas II, the opinion of the generals was decisive. In an atmosphere of general paralysis and anarchy, he had the last organized force left - the army - 6.5 million people, of which he was the Supreme Commander. The army, in general, was not yet touched by Bolshevik propaganda, took an oath of allegiance to the emperor and the Supreme Commander and could stand up for him. But the Russian generals betrayed Nicholas II.

A few hours later, answers came from Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the uncle of the Tsar), M.V. Alekseeva, A.A. Brusilova, A.E. Evert. "In the name of saving the motherland and the dynasty," they "begged" Nicholas II to abdicate. The rest of the commanders, including the commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, refrained from expressing their opinion.

March 2, 1917 at the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky Nicholas II was waiting for answers. Finally, he was handed a heap of telegraph tapes with the answers of the commanders. There was an awkward pause when the Tsar got acquainted with the contents of the telegrams. Nicholas II was silent for only a few minutes, then he suddenly said: "I have made up my mind. I renounce the throne." Those present were waiting for this answer. Nevertheless, everyone was taken aback: the emperor abdicated so simply and casually. Later, Nicholas II was reproached: "He renounced the throne, as if the squadron had surrendered." (See additional textbook.)

In the evening, Nicholas II received a Duma deputation consisting of A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin and announced that he had changed his mind and was now abdicating the throne for himself and for his sick son Alexei in favor of the brother of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. On the same evening, Nicholas II wrote in his diary: "There is treason, cowardice and deceit all around."

The next day, March 3, 1917, members of the Duma Committee and the Provisional Government met with Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Under pressure, Mikhail Alexandrovich also abdicated. At the same time, the Grand Duke sobbed.

So in Russia, literally in a few days - from February 23 to March 3, 1917 - one of the strongest monarchies in the world collapsed.

After his abdication, Nicholas II was arrested by the commissars of the Petrograd Soviet and taken with his family to Tsarskoye Selo. Here they were kept under house arrest. At the request of Nicholas II, the Provisional Government turned to the British Cabinet of Ministers with a request to give asylum to the Romanovs in England. But the English king George V and the cabinet of ministers refused. (See additional textbook material.) With the same request, the Provisional Government turned to the French government, but was also refused. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk, where they stayed until the spring of 1918. In April 1918, the Romanovs were sent to Yekaterinburg. There they spent the last months of their lives. In Yekaterinburg, in the Ipatiev house on the night of July 17, Nicholas II and his family were killed. The fate of those Romanovs who, by the will of fate, ended up in Russia after 1917, was tragic.

The boyars of the Romanovs sat on the royal throne in 1613. They ruled Russia for 304 years and through all the historical storms and trials were able to lead Russia to world domination. At the beginning of the twentieth century. the Romanov dynasty was one of the strongest in the world, and nothing predicted its collapse. Until now, there is no generally accepted opinion of historians about the reasons for the collapse of the monarchy in Russia.

The following are the most common versions:

Monarchism has exhausted its historical resource; the monarchy fell not because its opponents were strong, but because its defenders were weak;

The king showed cowardice and left the country to its own devices at the most critical moment;

The fall of the monarchy in Russia is the result of a conspiracy of anti-Russian forces (Masons, Jews, cosmopolitan intelligentsia and degenerate Russian aristocracy).

The alignment of political forces after the February Revolution. The February Revolution led to significant regroupings of political forces. Extreme right-wing parties (monarchists, Black Hundreds) had a certain influence on the political situation in the country, but after the revolution they suffered a complete collapse. The Octobrists had no historical perspective. The Cadets from the opposition party turned into the ruling one. They abandoned the slogan of a constitutional monarchy and advocated the transformation of Russia into a parliamentary republic. On the agrarian question, the party stood for the redemption of the landed estates by the state and the peasants. The Cadets defended the need to continue the war with Germany "to a victorious end," but this position did not have the support of the workers and peasants.

The Social Revolutionaries were the most massive party, numbering almost half a million people. The peasants supported the agrarian program of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, which provided for the transfer of land to the peasants. In terms of state building, they advocated the transformation of Russia into a federal republic of free nations. The Social Revolutionaries were in favor of continuing the war, but agreed to end it by concluding a democratic peace without annexations and indemnities. In the summer of 1917, a left wing stood out in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party - the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who protested against cooperation with the Provisional Government and insisted on an immediate solution to the agrarian issue. In the fall, they formed an independent political organization.

The second largest and most influential party was the Menshevik Party, which advocated the creation of a democratic republic, the right of nations to self-determination, the confiscation of landowners' lands and their transfer to the disposal of local governments. In foreign policy they, like the Socialist-Revolutionaries, took the position of "revolutionary defencism."

The Cadets, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks postponed the implementation of their program provisions until the end of the war and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

The Bolsheviks took extreme left positions. The party came out of the underground weakened and small (24 thousand people). An overseas group of the Central Committee of the Party, represented by V.I. Lenin, G.E. Zinoviev, N.K. Krupskaya. In Petrograd, the functions of the all-Russian leadership were carried out by the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, the main figures of which were A.G. Shlyapnikov, L.B. Kamenev, I.V. Stalin. I.V. Stalin during the February Revolution was in Turukhansk exile. Having learned about the revolutionary events in the capital, he urgently arrived in Petrograd. He was not an independent political figure at that time.

Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet. So, on March 3, 1917, the monarchical system in Russia collapsed. Russia easily overthrew autocracy and set about building a new society.

On March 2, 1917, the Provisional Committee of the IV State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet formed the Provisional Government, which was supposed to act temporarily, until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The provisional government was supposed to break the old state apparatus, consolidate the gains of the revolution by appropriate decrees, and convene a Constituent Assembly. It was assumed that the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of universal suffrage, would develop a constitution and establish (establish) the form of future government in Russia. (See additional textbook.)

At the same time, the Petrosoviet also carried out its functions. The Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet also met in the same building - the Tauride Palace. In fact, after the overthrow of the monarchy, two powers were established in Russia - dual power: the power of the Provisional Government and the power of the Soviets. The Soviets performed important state functions. The Provisional Government could act and enforce the decrees only with the support of the Soviets. (See additional textbook material.) In Petrograd, the Petrograd Soviet controlled economic life, published the newspaper Izvestia, was closely connected with the masses of soldiers, and directed the actions of the police. The workers' militia (Red Guard) was ready at the first call to defend the revolution. Under pressure from the soldiers' deputies, the Petrograd Soviet adopted the famous order No. 1 on the Petrograd garrison, according to which committees of elected soldiers and sailors were introduced in the army, which were supposed to control the actions of officers, dispose of available weapons, etc. Thus, the army turned into an instrument of political struggle, lost its leading role- to be the protector of the state interests.

The Provisional Government included 12 people. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma. 7 ministerial posts, and the most important ones, were in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists, 2 - representatives of other parties. This was " finest hour"the Cadets, when they were in power for 2 months. G.E. Lvov became the chairman and minister of the interior, the Octobrist A.I. Guchkov became the minister of war and naval affairs, the cadet P.N. Milyukov became the minister of foreign affairs, and the minister of justice - AF Kerensky In the events of 1917, AF Kerensky will play a special role.

England and France were the first to recognize the Provisional Government. In early March, the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia, and Iran also recognized the Provisional Government.

Socio-economic policy of the Provisional Government. On March 3, the program of activities of the Provisional Government, agreed with the Petrograd Soviet, was promulgated.

It included the following transformations:

Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters;

Freedom of speech, assembly and strikes;

Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions;

Immediate preparation for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly;

Replacing the police with a people's militia with elected leadership and subordinate to local governments;

Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the February 27 uprising;

Giving soldiers civil rights.

Until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly - "the master of the Russian land" - the decision of such important issues as political, agrarian, national was postponed.

The interim government retained all the main bodies of central and local government (ministries, city dumas, zemstvos). The resignation of all governors was announced. On the ground, a new government was created, subordinate to the Provisional Government. The place of the governors was taken by the chairmen of the provincial zemstvo councils as commissars of the Provisional Government. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated. Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned down. The press organs of the Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions, women's, youth and other organizations were revived.

On the initiative of the entrepreneurs themselves, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers on the introduction of an 8-hour working day throughout the country. Later, due to the ongoing war, the 8-hour working day was postponed until the end of the war, just as the solution of the agrarian question was postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Nevertheless, preparations for land reform began. Because of persistent rumors about the beginning of the redistribution of land in a number of places, the peasants began to arbitrarily seize the landowners' lands. The government opposed the seizure of landlords' land and used troops to suppress peasant uprisings.

During March 1917, the Provisional Government issued a series of decrees and orders aimed at democratizing the country.

The Provisional Government formed an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the malfeasance of tsarist ministers and senior officials.

On March 6, the government issued a Decree on amnesty for all persons convicted for political reasons.

On March 12, a Decree was issued on the abolition of the death penalty, which was replaced in especially serious criminal cases with 15 years of hard labor.

On March 18, an amnesty was announced for those convicted on criminal grounds. 15 thousand prisoners were released from places of detention. This caused a surge in crime in the country.

On March 18-20, a series of decrees and resolutions were issued to abolish religious and national restrictions.

Restrictions in the choice of place of residence, property rights were also abolished, complete freedom of occupation was proclaimed, women were equalized in rights with men.

The Provisional Government declared all personal lands of the royal family to be state property and transferred them to the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Agriculture.

A resolution "On the establishment of the police" was adopted. Already on February 28, the police was abolished and the people's militia was formed. 40,000 people's militia guarded enterprises and urban areas instead of 6,000 policemen. Detachments of the people's militia were also created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the people's militia, fighting workers' squads (the Red Guard) also appeared. According to the adopted resolution, uniformity was introduced into the already created detachments of the workers' militia, the limits of their competence were established.

A decree "On Assemblies and Unions" was also issued. All citizens could form unions and hold meetings without restrictions. There were no political motives for closing the unions; only the court could close the union.

The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct by secret ballot. On August 6, a resolution was adopted to dissolve the State Duma and the State Council.

The old state bodies were abolished. Russia has become the most democratic country in the world.

The Provisional Government had to act in difficult conditions. The First World War continued, society was tired of the war, of the difficult socio-economic situation, and expected from the Provisional Government a quick solution to all problems - the end of the war, the improvement of its economic situation, the distribution of land, etc. The bourgeoisie was in power. One of the reasons for her dramatic situation was that she was politically weak; did not learn how to use power in the interests of the whole society, did not possess the art of social demagoguery, could not promise solutions to issues that, in those historical conditions, were impossible to fulfill.

Time passed, but there was no improvement in the condition of the masses. Society began to embrace disappointment.

The April Crisis of the Power of the Provisional Government. In April, the first government crisis broke out. (See additional textbook material.) On April 18, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov addressed the allied powers with assurances of Russia's determination to bring the war to a victorious end. This contradicted the statements of the Petrograd Soviet about the need to fight for a democratic peace, a world without annexations and indemnities. On April 20, part of the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, exercising the right to "not withdraw to the front", opposed. They were supported by the workers of some factories and factories. The next day, up to 100,000 demonstrators took to the streets of Petrograd. The Bolsheviks put forward the slogan "Down with the war!", "Down with Milyukov!". At the same time, demonstrations of officials, officers, and students took place in Petrograd in support of the Provisional Government. In a number of places there were clashes between supporters and opponents of the Provisional Government. P.N. Milyukov and A.I. Guchkov were forced to leave the government.

On May 5, an agreement was reached between the Provisional Government and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet on the creation of the first coalition government. The new government consisted of 16 ministers, 6 of whom were representatives of the socialist parties - Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. Prince G.E. remained prime minister. Lvov. Soon the new government published its reform program. The program of the coalition government included such measures as the further democratization of the country, the establishment of universal peace, the fight against devastation, and the implementation of agrarian reform. It was very difficult to fulfill it, because. the disintegration of the economy continued, labor productivity and wages of workers and employees were declining, the peasantry was impoverished.

In the face of dissatisfaction with the internal and foreign policy coalition government, the slogans of transferring power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies are becoming increasingly popular. In this situation, the Bolsheviks begin to strengthen their influence, putting forward simple and radical slogans: "Peace to the peoples!", "Factories - to the workers!", "Land - to the peasants!". The factory committees in Petrograd, trade unions, and local Soviets are gradually coming under the control of the Bolsheviks. The ranks of the Bolsheviks quadrupled after the February Revolution, reaching 100,000 people. Working among the population, the Bolsheviks relied on work collectives and won support from the soldiers. The military organization, created under the Central Committee of the party, issued leaflets and special newspapers (for example, Soldatskaya Pravda, Okopnaya Pravda, etc.). The leaders of this organization N.V. Krylenko, N.I. Podvoisky, V.N. Nevsky in the future will become the organizers of the October uprising. Active work was also carried out among the rural poor, employees and students.

On June 3, the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets began its work in Petrograd. Among the 800 delegates to the congress, the Mensheviks had 290 votes, the Socialist-Revolutionaries - 285, the Bolsheviks - 105 votes. The congress adopted a resolution of confidence in the Provisional Government and rejected the Bolsheviks' proposal to end the war and transfer power to the Soviets. (See additional textbook material.) The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries received the majority of votes at the congress. (See additional textbook material.) On June 18, a mass demonstration took place on the Field of Mars under the Bolshevik slogans: "Down with the counter-revolution!", "Down with 10 imperialist ministers!", "All power to the Soviets!". Demonstrations took place in the major cities of the country.

The government managed to overcome the new crisis thanks to the support of the First Congress of Soviets and the offensive of the Russian army on the Southwestern Front that began in July. During this offensive of the Russian troops on the Southwestern Front, the Provisional Government and personally Minister of War A.F. Kerensky invested a lot of effort. But the offensive of the Russian troops turned into another disaster. German troops delivered a powerful counterattack to the 7th and 11th armies of the Southwestern Front. Russian troops began to retreat randomly. Many military formations were seized by panic. Commander of the Southwestern Front, General A.E. Gutor lost command of the troops. At the same time, the commander of the 8th Army of the Southwestern Front, General L.G. Kornilov was able to restore order among the troops, using the most severe measures against robbers, marauders, and deserters. This dramatically raised his authority both in army circles and among the government.

The next failures of the Russian army at the front made a painful impression on society. At the same time, tragic events took place in Petrograd.

July government crisis. On July 2, numerous rallies were held in Petrograd by soldiers of the Petrograd garrison who did not want to be sent to the front. The workers of the capital joined the demonstrations of the soldiers. On July 3, strikes engulfed the entire city. The demonstrations were held under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!". Skirmishes broke out in the streets, as a result of which several hundred people were killed and wounded. (See additional textbook material.) At the same time, Cadets-ministers suddenly left the government. They protested against Petrograd's recognition of independent power in Ukraine.

On July 4, Petrograd was declared under martial law. The government began to restore order in the capital with the most stringent measures. The disarmament of the soldiers began, the repressions of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who were accused of preparing an armed seizure of power, intensified. IN AND. Lenin and other leaders of the RSDLP(b) were accused of high treason. They were accused of organizing a coup d'état in Russia on the instructions of the German General Staff. Against V.I. Lenin, G.E. Zinoviev and other Bolshevik leaders began an investigation and measures were taken to arrest them. IN AND. Lenin and G.E. Zinoviev fled from the investigating authorities. However, L.D. were arrested. Trotsky, L.B. Kamenev, A.M. Kollontai. Measures were taken to strengthen discipline in the army, and the death penalty was restored in the navy. The influence of the Petrograd and other soviets temporarily fell.

The dual power in the country is over. On July 24, a second coalition government was formed. The cabinet included 7 Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, 2 members of the Radical Democratic Party, 2 non-party and 4 Cadets. The government was headed by the Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky. A.A. was removed from the post of Commander-in-Chief. Brusilov and appointed L.G. Kornilov. The new prime minister introduced the death penalty at the front, which caused dissatisfaction among the democratically minded army public. A.F. Kerensky began to pursue a centrist policy of maneuvering between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary forces. The consolidation of those who advocated an end to "revolutionary anarchy" and the establishment of order in the country began. This consolidation took place around General L.G. Kornilov, who began to collect units loyal to him in Mogilev.

Meanwhile, V.I. Lenin, having comprehended the situation, called on his like-minded people to temporarily abandon the slogan "All power to the Soviets!", since the Soviets supported the counter-revolution. In July-August, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) was held. On it, the Bolsheviks set a course to seize power in Russia by force of arms.

Kornilov speech. Meanwhile, the government made an attempt to unite Russian society. On August 12-15, the State Conference, convened by the Provisional Government to discuss the urgent political and economic problems of the country, began its work in Moscow. The Conference was attended by industrialists, bankers, officers, former deputies of the State Duma, representatives of councils, parties, trade unions and other public organizations. The government tried to stop the collapse of Russia, to prevent a civil war. (See additional textbook material.) Speakers demanded the establishment of order on the fronts and in the rear, the consolidation of the gains of the revolution. General L.G. became the central figure at the Meeting. Kornilov. He demanded to introduce the death penalty in the rear, to establish strict discipline on the roads, factories, plants. During the Meeting, Prime Minister A.F. Kerensky and Commander-in-Chief L.G. Kornilov. They began preparations for the establishment of "power of a firm hand" in Russia. But the union fell apart due to the ambitions of the head of government. He decided that L.G. Kornilov wants to establish his own dictatorship in Russia. August 27 A.F. Kerensky suddenly removed L.G. Kornilov from the post of Commander-in-Chief. L.G. Kornilov was stunned by such deceit of the prime minister. (See additional textbook material.) The prime minister of the government and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief accused each other of betrayal, a struggle broke out between them. The Supreme Commander-in-Chief moved troops to the capital. These were the military units with the strongest discipline. In particular, the 3rd Cavalry Corps under the command of Lieutenant General A.M. was moved from Velikiye Luki to Petrograd. Krymov. This cavalry corps included the famous Caucasian cavalry native (the so-called "Wild") division. It consisted of Muslim highlanders, its lower ranks were distinguished by cruelty, unquestioning obedience and did not know the fear of death by the will of Allah. It was a specific ruthless force, half of its riders were illiterate and purely automatically carried out the commands of any, the smallest of their bosses, most often given with gestures.

The performance of the military alarmed the Provisional Government and all democratic circles. Rumors that the "Wild" division was moving to Petrograd sowed panic among the population, the attitude towards L.G. Kornilov and the troops marching on Petrograd among the general population of Petrograd became sharply negative. Speech by L.G. Kornilov was characterized as a "mutiny".

In this situation, the head of government receives emergency powers to suppress the rebellion. A.F. Kerensky succeeded in achieving the political unity of the main socialist parties and the Provisional Government. On August 27, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets created the "Committee for Combating Counter-Revolution", which included representatives of the presidiums of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Executive Committee of the Council of Peasants' Deputies, the Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik parties, the All-Russian Council of Trade Unions, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, and representatives of the Bolshevik Party. In Petrograd, armed detachments of the workers' Red Guard were formed. Railway workers sabotaged the transportation of military units. Thousands of Bolshevik agitators went to the troops marching to the capital, including the grandson of Shamil, revered by the highlanders. In three days, a 60,000-strong revolutionary army was created, ready to oppose the troops of the rebellious Supreme Commander.

Troops led by A.M. Krymov, sent by L.G. Kornilov, were ready to restore order in the capital. But when the troops became aware of the mutual accusations of betrayal of the Prime Minister and the Commander-in-Chief, confusion reigned among the military. When A.M. Krymov arrived in Petrograd, A.F. Kerensky ordered him to report urgently to the Winter Palace. The explanations were stormy, and A.F. Kerensky did not shake hands with the general. Two hours later, General A.M. Krymov shot himself. The next day in Mogilev at the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command, General L.G. Kornilov was arrested. The Kornilov rebellion failed.

After that, the balance of power and the political situation changed dramatically. Prestige A.F. Kerensky fell like never before. The military accused him of unscrupulousness, political treachery, and the final undermining of the combat capability of the Russian army. The right forces were defeated, but the left strengthened their positions. The failure of the Kornilov rebellion contributed to the rapid growth of the popularity of the Bolshevik Party. From April to June, its numbers increased from 24,000 to 240,000. Suspicions arose among the workers that not only the Cadets but also the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries had taken part in the Kornilov revolt. Representatives of these parties began to withdraw from the Soviets, replacing them with the Bolsheviks. The mass Bolshevization of the Soviets began. L.D. became the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet. Trotsky. The Bolsheviks found support from the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who by that time had become an independent party.

On August 31, the Petrograd Soviet adopted a resolution "On Power", which spoke of the need to remove the Cadets and all representatives of the bourgeois parties involved in the Kornilov revolt from power. A workers' and peasants' government was to be replaced. More than 120 Soviets supported the resolution of the new Petrograd Soviet and insisted on convening an All-Russian Congress of Soviets to take power. Many Soviets became Bolshevik, which was typical for army units, because. The officers compromised themselves by participating in the Kornilov conspiracy and lost prestige among the soldiers.

A.F. Kerensky made another attempt to stabilize the situation in society. Without waiting for the start of the Constituent Assembly, on September 1, 1917, he proclaimed Russia a republic and announced the creation of a Directory without the Cadets.

On September 14, the All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened in Petrograd. Representatives of all political parties, zemstvos and city dumas took part in its work. The purpose of the meeting is to undermine the influence of the Bolshevik Soviets. At the meeting, the Democratic Council of the Republic - the Pre-Parliament was created. On his behalf, A.F. Kerensky at the end of September formed a third coalition government of six Cadets, one Socialist-Revolutionary, three Mensheviks, two Trudoviks, one independent, and two military men.

However, there was no longer any confidence in the new government. A.F. Kerensky and new office criticized for politicking, helplessness, the collapse of the army. The authorities finally lost support in society. The threat of a blow from the Bolsheviks hung over her.

One of the leaders of the white movement during the Civil War, General A.I. Denikin recreated the situation of that time in his memoirs entitled "Essays on the Russian Troubles". He noted: "Power fell from the weak hands of the Provisional Government, and in the whole country, except for the Bolsheviks, there was not a single real organization that could claim its rights to a heavy inheritance fully armed with real power."

I. February Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution:

a) the situation in the country on the eve of 1917.

II. Revolution: The first three red days:

a) strikes

b) a meeting of the State Duma;

c) the situation is escalating;

d) “the Duma sat for only 49 minutes”;

e) the emperor is not alarmed.

III. Shooting:

a) “cartridges are being prepared in the regimental storerooms”;

b) “the whistle of bullets over their heads cut through the frosty air”;

c) the opposition is active;

d) the revolutionary underground rejoices.

IV. The uprising began:

a) regiments rebelled;

b) polit. prisoners on the loose;

c) members of the Duma exchange disturbing news;

d) "delegation of soldiers of the insurgent regiments."

a) the Tauride Palace - the center of revolutionary events;

b) “military units refuse to go out against the rebels”;

c) the authorities are worried.

VI. Conclusion:

a) the attitude of politicians to past events.

FEBRUARY BOURGEOIS-DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION

By the beginning of the XX century. the agrarian question was acute in Russia. The reforms of Emperor Alexander II did not make life much easier for the peasants and the countryside. The village continued to maintain a community that was convenient for the government to collect taxes. Peasants were forbidden to leave the community, so the village was resettled. Many high personalities of Russia tried to destroy the community as a feudal relic, but the community was protected by the autocracy and they failed to do this. One of these people was S. Yu. Witte. P. A. Stolypin managed to free the peasants from the community later in the course of his agrarian reform. But the agricultural problem remained. The agrarian question led to the revolution of 1905 and remained the main one until 1917.

By 1917, 130 million people lived in the countryside. The agrarian question was more acute than before. Over half of the peasant farms were poor. All over Russia there was a general impoverishment of the masses.

Those questions that life puts forward are posed by it twice, and thrice, and more, if they are not resolved or only half resolved. So it was with the peasant question and with other problems in Russia:

- autocracy, although it was at the last line, but continued to exist;

– workers sought to achieve better working conditions;

– national minorities needed, if not independence, then wider autonomy;

The people wanted an end to the terrible war. This new problem has been added to the old ones;

- the population wanted to avoid hunger, impoverishment.

The domestic policy of the government was in deep crisis. During 1914–1917, 4 chairmen of the Council of Ministers were replaced. From the autumn of 1915 to 1916 - five ministers of the interior, three ministers of war, 4 ministers of agriculture.

The main chance to delay the death of the autocracy ruling circles Russia was seen in the victorious conclusion of the war with Germany. 15.6 million people were put under arms, of which up to 13 million were peasants. The war of the 14th year by this time caused discontent among the masses, not without the participation of the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks authorized rallies in the capitals and other cities of Russia. They also campaigned in the army, which had a negative impact on the mood of soldiers and officers. The people in the cities joined the Bolshevik demonstrations. All the factories of Petrograd worked for the front, because of this there was not enough bread and other consumer goods. In Petrograd itself, long tails of queues stretched along the streets.

On February 14, the Duma met and declared that the government must be changed, otherwise there would be no good. The workers wanted to support the Duma, but the police dispersed the workers as soon as they began to gather to march towards the Duma. Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko obtained a reception from the sovereign and warned that Russia was in danger. The emperor did not react to this. He did not deceive, but he himself deceived, because the Minister of the Interior ordered that local authorities sent telegrams to Nicholas II about the “immeasurable love” of the people for the “adored monarch”.

The tsarist government at the end of 1916 expanded the supply of money so much that goods began to disappear from the shelves. Peasants refused to sell products for depreciating money. They brought food to large cities: St. Petersburg, Moscow, etc.

The provinces "closed" and the tsarist government switched to surplus appropriation, because. condition forced it financial company. In 1914 the state wine monopoly was abolished, this stopped the agrarian suction of money into the agricultural sector. In February 1917 industrial centers were falling apart, Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities of Russia were starving, the system of commodity-money relations was disrupted in the country.

The ministers deceived the emperor in everything related to domestic politics. The emperor implicitly believed them in everything. Nicholas was more concerned about things at the front, which were not going well. Not solving internal problems, the financial crisis, the difficult war with Germany - all this led to spontaneous uprisings, which grew into the February Bourgeois Revolution of 1917.

The revolution

THREE FIRST RED DAYS

Strikes arose only in a few factories. I must say that the discontent among the masses arose for the most part because of the food issue (in particular, the lack of bread) and most of all it worried the women who had to stand in long lines in the hope of getting at least something. Groups gathered in many workshops, read the leaflet distributed by the Bolsheviks and passed it from hand to hand:

“Dear female comrades! How long will we continue to endure in silence and sometimes vent the anger that has boiled up on petty merchants? After all, they are not to blame for the people's disasters, they themselves are ruined. The government is to blame, it started this war and cannot end it. It is ruining the country, because of it you are starving. The capitalists are to blame - for their profit it is being carried out, and it is high time to shout to them: “Enough! Down with the criminal government and all its gang of robbers and murderers. Long live the world!”

During the lunch break, rallies began at most factories and factories in the Vyborgsky district and at a number of enterprises in other districts. Women workers angrily denounced the tsarist government, protested against the lack of bread, the high cost, and the continuation of the war. They were supported by Bolshevik workers at every large and small factory in the Vyborg side. Everywhere there were calls for a halt to work. Ten enterprises that were on strike on Bolshoi Sampsonievskiy Prospekt were joined by others as early as 10-11 am. The tactic of "dismissal" began to be widely used. Women no longer made up the majority of the strikers who took to the streets. The workers of the subdistrict quickly reached the factories located along the Neva - "Arsenal", Metallic, Phoenix, "Promet" and others. Under the windows of the factory floors, they shouted:

- Brothers! Stop work! Come out!

Arsenals, Phoenix workers, workers from other factories joined the strikers and filled the streets. The excitement spread to the Forest subdistrict. So, at Ayvaz, after lunch, 3,000 workers gathered for a rally dedicated to Women's Day. The women said they would not work today and asked the male workers to join their strike. At about 4 p.m., Ayvaz stopped working completely. Some enterprises of the Petrograd side and Vasilyevsky Island also went on strike. In total, according to police data, about 90 thousand workers and workers of 50 enterprises were on strike. Thus, the number of strikers exceeded the magnitude of the February 14 strike.

But literally from the very first hours of the strike, events took on a different character than on February 14th. If at that time the demonstrations were few, on February 23 most of the workers remained on the streets for some time before going home and participated in mass demonstrations. Many strikers were in no hurry to disperse, but remained on the streets for a long time and agreed to the calls of the strike leaders to continue the demonstration and go to the city center. The demonstrators were excited, which did not fail to take advantage of the anarchist elements: 15 shops were destroyed on the Vyborg side. On Bezborodkinsky and Sampsonievsky prospects, workers stopped trams, if the carriage drivers, together with the conductors, resisted, they turned the cars over. In total, as the police counted, 30 tram trains were stopped.

In the events of February 23, from the first hours, a peculiar combination of organization and spontaneity was manifested, which was so characteristic of the entire further development of the February Revolution. Rallies and performances by women were planned by the Bolsheviks and the Mezhraiontsy, as was the possibility of strikes. However, no one expected such a significant scope. The appeal of female workers who followed the instructions of the Bolshevik Center was very quickly and unanimously taken up by all the male workers of the striking enterprises. The speech of the women, as it were, offended the masculine honor of all the workers. And this emotional moment was the first manifestation of the spontaneity of the movement. At the Erikson plant, for example, where, in addition to the Bolshevik cell, there were also organizations of Menshevik-defencists and Socialist-Revolutionaries, namely last first they called for turning the movement into a general strike of the entire plant and trying to win over the neighboring enterprises.

At Arsenal, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, together with the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, called for a general strike and joined the workers. The advanced proletariat shook the masses: the less class-conscious workers, who were under the influence of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, and the townsfolk began to join the political struggle.

The police were taken by surprise by the events. In particular, on the territory of the 2nd Vyborg section, it turned out to be completely insufficient to even contain, and not just disperse, a crowd of thirty thousand strikers. It was this section that became the main focus of the movement on February 23. From here agitators fled to Lesnaya, to the 1st Vyborg section, to the Petrograd side and to Vasilyevsky Island. But already on the territory of the 1st Vyborg precinct, the police acted more actively against the demonstrators. According to the disposition of February 8, Cossacks were called here, who, together with the police, cut through the crowd of demonstrators on Bezborodkinsky Prospekt and pushed them back to Finland Station. But then the workers stopped the movement of trams on the streets adjacent to the station, which made it difficult for the Cossacks to act, and filled the entire space with a dense crowd. Speakers appeared on the roofs of tram cars, on the steps of the station and on the pedestals.

1. February 23 - March 3 (March 8 - 18, according to a new style), 1917, the February Revolution took place in Russia, as a result of which the tsar was overthrown, the monarchy was abolished, democratic transformations began, which grew into a revolutionary process and a civil war.

The driving forces of the February Revolution of 1917 had a dual nature:

- on the one hand, she wore a massive, spontaneous and folk character(“revolutions from below”);

- on the other hand, since 1916 there was a conscious preparation for the overthrow of Nicholas II, who had lost his authority - some of the leading leaders of the "Progressive Bloc" of the State Duma, progressive-minded officers of the Petrograd garrison, entered into the conspiracy.

From December 1916, the implementation of the conspiracy began. Rasputin was killed in Yusupov's house, which immediately deprived the tsar of his inner support. Work was carried out among the officers of the Petrograd garrison to prepare a military coup. In early February 1917, a shortage of bread was created in Petrograd (bread was not brought into the city and was hidden in warehouses, although after the abdication of Nicholas II, the importation of bread began in droves). The Petrograd garrison did not support the tsar at the decisive moment. 2. Events began to develop spontaneously:

- the cessation of the supply of bread to Petrograd caused acute discontent and spontaneous demonstrations;

- On February 23 (March 8, 1917 according to the global calendar), on International Women's Day, a major strike began in Petrograd, which is considered the beginning of a revolution - the Putilov plant stopped working, followed by more than 50 enterprises, more than 100 thousand workers took to the streets with the slogans "Bread!", "Peace!", "Freedom!";

- February 26 - riots began - the defeat of police stations, the secret police, attacks on government officials, Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko sends a telegram to the tsar, who is at headquarters in the city of Mogilev, with a proposal to form a government of national unity;

- February 26, evening - Tsar Nicholas II of Mogilev rejected the proposals of the deputies of the State Duma and ordered the commander of the Petrograd district, General S. Khabalov, to suppress the protests by force and restore order;

- February 27 - a split in the army - the Petrograd garrison refused to follow the orders of its commander S. Khabalov and went over to the side of the protesting workers; the fraternization of the army and the inhabitants of Petrograd begins; there is a destruction of the district court, prisons, police stations; on the same day, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (leaders: M. Rodzianko, P. Milyukov, G. Lvov, etc.) and the Petrograd Council (chairman - N. Chkheidze, deputies - A. Kerensky and M. Skobelev, G. Khrustalev-Nosar (leader of the Petrosoviet during the revolution of 1905);

- The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma are equally popular among the people and proclaim themselves the highest authority in the country, which laid the foundation for dual power;

- February 28 - power in Petrograd completely passes into the hands of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Council; previously trained officers and units loyal to them, who supported the rebels, take control of the mail, telegraph, telephone, bridges; the commander of the Petrograd district, S. Khabalov, also goes over to the side of the rebels, sends a telegram to the tsar about the impossibility of suppressing the unrest;

- March 1 - Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko arrived in Mogilev to Tsar Nicholas II with a proposal to abdicate in favor of 14-year-old son Alexei;

- March 2 - after daily deliberation, having changed his mind many times, Nicholas II signs the abdication of the throne for himself and for his son Alexei in favor of his brother - Mikhail Romanov. The abdication of Nicholas II was not voluntary and was obtained after the refusal of the army to defend the tsar - and this became the decisive argument;

- on the same day, March 2, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, together with the Petrograd Soviet, forms the Provisional Government (until the elections to the Constituent Assembly) headed by G. Lvov;

- dual power begins in Russia - the State Duma and the Provisional Government, on the one hand, and the councils of workers', peasants' and soldiers' deputies, which are spontaneously created throughout the country, on the other;

- March 3 - Mikhail Romanov, the uncrowned Tsar Michael II, who enjoys a reputation as a liberal and a certain authority in society, abdicates the throne - before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly (the abdication of Mikhail was also obtained by force - under many hours of pressure from the leaders of the State Duma and the armed sailors who came with them ; Michael's abdication was formalized already without succession);

- on the same day, the Provisional Government publishes its first document - the Declaration of the Provisional Government to the citizens of Russia, which proclaims fundamental rights and freedoms, the abolition of estates, a general political amnesty, the liquidation of the police and gendarmerie, their replacement by the people's militia, and the holding at the end of 1917. general and equal elections to the Constituent Assembly.

As a result of the victory of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution in February - March 1917 in Russia:

- the monarchy was overthrown;

- the 304-year rule of the Romanov dynasty was actually terminated;

- fundamental human rights and freedoms were proclaimed and became a reality for a short time;

- Dual power began - the activities of the Provisional Government and the Soviets;

- revolutionary changes began, culminating in the coming to power of the Bolsheviks.